{"title":"《法庭之战:对抗酷刑的长期斗争》作者:丽莎·哈贾尔","authors":"Rebecca Root","doi":"10.1353/hrq.2023.a910496","DOIUrl":null,"url":null,"abstract":"Reviewed by: The War in Court: Inside the Long Fight Against Torture by Lisa Hajjar Rebecca Root (bio) Lisa Hajjar, The War in Court: Inside the Long Fight Against Torture (University of California Press 2022), ISBN 9780520378933, 376 pages. Lisa Hajjar was already an established expert on the sociology of torture when the United States (US) began torturing detainees in response to the terrorist attacks of September 11, 2001. For over three decades, she has explored the legal, cultural, and ethical issues around torture, interviewed hundreds of lawyers, and witnessed these questions play out in courtrooms around the world. Her research has included more than a dozen trips to Guantánamo Bay. On one level, The War in Court details the relentless efforts of lawyers—both military and civilian—to uphold the rule of law in the face of a US policy endorsing interrogation under torture. Lawyers like those at the Center for Constitutional Rights were focused on the rights of the detainees they were defending, but government-appointed judge advocates general (JAGs) were equally appalled by the establishment of military commissions intended to allow evidence extracted under torture, in contravention to all domestic and international legal norms and obligations. All took issue with the opinions that had been offered by government lawyers to justify the torture that reshaped America's national security policy from 2001 to 2006. In the early chapters, Hajjar deftly walks the reader through the jawdropping revelations of those years: the faulty legal memos, the sickening photographs from Abu Ghraib, the Kafkaesque Guantánamo Bay, the black sites, the waterboarding, walling, force-feeding, and more. Those moments have been seared into the memories of human rights scholars, though perhaps they are fading from public memory or, worse yet, seamlessly incorporated into it. Hajjar reminds us of the key legal victories—from Rasul v. Bush in 2004 to Hamdan v. Rumsfeld in 2006 to Boumediene v. Bush in 2008—but also of the many failed arguments lawyers advanced in these years. Her sociological training leads her to explore the community of lawyers who came together to wage controversial struggles over many years, enduring constant delays and setbacks, but always working for the rule of law and reaffirming one another's sense of the duty to uphold it. While scholars, detainees, and human rights non-governmental organizations played crucial roles as well, it is the lawyers who are at the heart of this analysis. Though American courts failed to hold the perpetrators of these crimes accountable, departing from the trends in Europe and Latin America, the lawyers in these cases were able to use even the cases they lost to forge new legal bulwarks in favor of detainees' rights. Hundreds of Gitmo detainees were released without charge, and despite the government's extensive efforts to keep secret [End Page 733] the details of detainee mistreatment, the truth came out. But juxtaposed to that story of the rebuilding of the legal norms against torture is a second, more tragic story. As the Bush and Obama administrations tried to minimize the damage to the US' reputation resulting from revelations of detainee torture, they shifted policy by replacing detention of suspected terrorists with drone strikes against them. Killing thousands of suspected terrorists in countries with which the US is not at war raises at least as many ethical and legal questions as torture does but has failed to generate the same level of public outrage or judicial traction. The chapters on the Obama administration are particularly compelling, as Hajjar details how Obama's strong stance against military commissions and promises to close Guantánamo Bay soon failed. Because so many in Guantánamo had been tortured, Obama faced a troubling quandary: accept that the use of torture rendered fair trials against the detainees impossible and set them free or allow new military commissions to proceed with prosecution. The administration opted for the latter. As a candidate, Obama had pledged to hold torturers and the policymakers who enabled them accountable. As president, he decided to \"look forward as opposed to looking backward.\"1 Indeed, whistleblowers exposing the crimes Americans committed as part of the war on terror were pursued much more vigorously...","PeriodicalId":47589,"journal":{"name":"Human Rights Quarterly","volume":"87 1-2","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.8000,"publicationDate":"2023-11-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":"0","resultStr":"{\"title\":\"The War in Court: Inside the Long Fight Against Torture by Lisa Hajjar (review)\",\"authors\":\"Rebecca Root\",\"doi\":\"10.1353/hrq.2023.a910496\",\"DOIUrl\":null,\"url\":null,\"abstract\":\"Reviewed by: The War in Court: Inside the Long Fight Against Torture by Lisa Hajjar Rebecca Root (bio) Lisa Hajjar, The War in Court: Inside the Long Fight Against Torture (University of California Press 2022), ISBN 9780520378933, 376 pages. Lisa Hajjar was already an established expert on the sociology of torture when the United States (US) began torturing detainees in response to the terrorist attacks of September 11, 2001. For over three decades, she has explored the legal, cultural, and ethical issues around torture, interviewed hundreds of lawyers, and witnessed these questions play out in courtrooms around the world. Her research has included more than a dozen trips to Guantánamo Bay. On one level, The War in Court details the relentless efforts of lawyers—both military and civilian—to uphold the rule of law in the face of a US policy endorsing interrogation under torture. Lawyers like those at the Center for Constitutional Rights were focused on the rights of the detainees they were defending, but government-appointed judge advocates general (JAGs) were equally appalled by the establishment of military commissions intended to allow evidence extracted under torture, in contravention to all domestic and international legal norms and obligations. All took issue with the opinions that had been offered by government lawyers to justify the torture that reshaped America's national security policy from 2001 to 2006. In the early chapters, Hajjar deftly walks the reader through the jawdropping revelations of those years: the faulty legal memos, the sickening photographs from Abu Ghraib, the Kafkaesque Guantánamo Bay, the black sites, the waterboarding, walling, force-feeding, and more. Those moments have been seared into the memories of human rights scholars, though perhaps they are fading from public memory or, worse yet, seamlessly incorporated into it. Hajjar reminds us of the key legal victories—from Rasul v. Bush in 2004 to Hamdan v. Rumsfeld in 2006 to Boumediene v. Bush in 2008—but also of the many failed arguments lawyers advanced in these years. Her sociological training leads her to explore the community of lawyers who came together to wage controversial struggles over many years, enduring constant delays and setbacks, but always working for the rule of law and reaffirming one another's sense of the duty to uphold it. While scholars, detainees, and human rights non-governmental organizations played crucial roles as well, it is the lawyers who are at the heart of this analysis. Though American courts failed to hold the perpetrators of these crimes accountable, departing from the trends in Europe and Latin America, the lawyers in these cases were able to use even the cases they lost to forge new legal bulwarks in favor of detainees' rights. Hundreds of Gitmo detainees were released without charge, and despite the government's extensive efforts to keep secret [End Page 733] the details of detainee mistreatment, the truth came out. But juxtaposed to that story of the rebuilding of the legal norms against torture is a second, more tragic story. As the Bush and Obama administrations tried to minimize the damage to the US' reputation resulting from revelations of detainee torture, they shifted policy by replacing detention of suspected terrorists with drone strikes against them. Killing thousands of suspected terrorists in countries with which the US is not at war raises at least as many ethical and legal questions as torture does but has failed to generate the same level of public outrage or judicial traction. The chapters on the Obama administration are particularly compelling, as Hajjar details how Obama's strong stance against military commissions and promises to close Guantánamo Bay soon failed. Because so many in Guantánamo had been tortured, Obama faced a troubling quandary: accept that the use of torture rendered fair trials against the detainees impossible and set them free or allow new military commissions to proceed with prosecution. The administration opted for the latter. As a candidate, Obama had pledged to hold torturers and the policymakers who enabled them accountable. 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引用次数: 0
摘要
莉萨·哈贾尔,《法庭上的战争:反对酷刑的长期斗争》(加州大学出版社2022),ISBN 9780520378933, 376页。当美国为应对2001年9月11日的恐怖袭击而开始折磨被拘留者时,丽莎·哈贾尔已经是酷刑社会学方面的知名专家。三十多年来,她一直在探索与酷刑有关的法律、文化和道德问题,采访了数百名律师,并目睹了这些问题在世界各地的法庭上上演。她的研究包括十几次访问Guantánamo Bay。在一个层面上,《法庭上的战争》详细描述了军队和平民律师在面对美国支持酷刑审讯的政策时坚持法治的不懈努力。宪法权利中心(Center for Constitutional Rights)的律师们关注的是他们所辩护的被拘留者的权利,但政府任命的总辩护法官(JAGs)同样对军事委员会的设立感到震惊,该委员会旨在允许通过酷刑提取证据,这违反了所有国内和国际法律规范和义务。所有人都对政府律师为2001年至2006年重塑美国国家安全政策的酷刑辩护的观点提出异议。在书的前几章,哈贾尔巧妙地带领读者回顾了那些年令人瞠目结舌的揭露:错误的法律备忘录、阿布格莱布监狱(Abu Ghraib)令人作呕的照片、卡夫卡式的Guantánamo海湾、黑牢、水刑、隔离墙、强迫喂食等等。这些时刻已经烙进了人权学者的记忆,尽管它们可能正在淡出公众的记忆,或者更糟的是,被无缝地纳入了公众的记忆。哈贾尔让我们想起了关键的法律胜利——从2004年的拉苏尔诉布什案到2006年的哈姆丹诉拉姆斯菲尔德案,再到2008年的布米丁诉布什案——但也想起了这些年来律师们提出的许多失败的论点。她的社会学训练使她探索了律师群体,他们多年来聚集在一起进行有争议的斗争,忍受着不断的延误和挫折,但始终为法治而努力,并重申了彼此维护法治的责任。虽然学者、被拘留者和人权非政府组织也发挥了关键作用,但律师才是这一分析的核心。尽管与欧洲和拉丁美洲的趋势不同,美国法院未能追究这些罪行的肇事者的责任,但这些案件中的律师甚至能够利用他们输掉的案件来建立新的法律堡垒,以维护被拘留者的权利。数百名关塔那摩囚犯在没有受到指控的情况下被释放,尽管政府竭尽全力对虐待囚犯的细节保密,但真相还是大白了。但与重建反酷刑法律规范的故事并列的是第二个更悲惨的故事。布什(Bush)和奥巴马(Obama)政府试图将被披露的虐待囚犯事件对美国声誉造成的损害降到最低,因此他们改变了政策,用无人机袭击取代了对恐怖分子嫌疑人的拘留。在与美国没有交战的国家杀害数千名恐怖分子嫌疑人,至少引发了与酷刑一样多的道德和法律问题,但未能引起同样程度的公愤或司法支持。关于奥巴马政府的章节尤其引人注目,因为哈贾尔详细描述了奥巴马反对军事委员会的强硬立场和关闭Guantánamo湾的承诺是如何很快失败的。因为Guantánamo有这么多人遭受过酷刑,奥巴马面临着一个令人不安的困境:接受使用酷刑使对被拘留者的公平审判变得不可能,并将他们释放,或者允许新的军事委员会继续起诉。美国政府选择了后者。作为候选人,奥巴马曾承诺要追究虐待者和使他们承担责任的政策制定者的责任。作为总统,他决定“向前看,而不是向后看”。事实上,揭露美国人在反恐战争中所犯罪行的举报人受到了更为严厉的追捕……
The War in Court: Inside the Long Fight Against Torture by Lisa Hajjar (review)
Reviewed by: The War in Court: Inside the Long Fight Against Torture by Lisa Hajjar Rebecca Root (bio) Lisa Hajjar, The War in Court: Inside the Long Fight Against Torture (University of California Press 2022), ISBN 9780520378933, 376 pages. Lisa Hajjar was already an established expert on the sociology of torture when the United States (US) began torturing detainees in response to the terrorist attacks of September 11, 2001. For over three decades, she has explored the legal, cultural, and ethical issues around torture, interviewed hundreds of lawyers, and witnessed these questions play out in courtrooms around the world. Her research has included more than a dozen trips to Guantánamo Bay. On one level, The War in Court details the relentless efforts of lawyers—both military and civilian—to uphold the rule of law in the face of a US policy endorsing interrogation under torture. Lawyers like those at the Center for Constitutional Rights were focused on the rights of the detainees they were defending, but government-appointed judge advocates general (JAGs) were equally appalled by the establishment of military commissions intended to allow evidence extracted under torture, in contravention to all domestic and international legal norms and obligations. All took issue with the opinions that had been offered by government lawyers to justify the torture that reshaped America's national security policy from 2001 to 2006. In the early chapters, Hajjar deftly walks the reader through the jawdropping revelations of those years: the faulty legal memos, the sickening photographs from Abu Ghraib, the Kafkaesque Guantánamo Bay, the black sites, the waterboarding, walling, force-feeding, and more. Those moments have been seared into the memories of human rights scholars, though perhaps they are fading from public memory or, worse yet, seamlessly incorporated into it. Hajjar reminds us of the key legal victories—from Rasul v. Bush in 2004 to Hamdan v. Rumsfeld in 2006 to Boumediene v. Bush in 2008—but also of the many failed arguments lawyers advanced in these years. Her sociological training leads her to explore the community of lawyers who came together to wage controversial struggles over many years, enduring constant delays and setbacks, but always working for the rule of law and reaffirming one another's sense of the duty to uphold it. While scholars, detainees, and human rights non-governmental organizations played crucial roles as well, it is the lawyers who are at the heart of this analysis. Though American courts failed to hold the perpetrators of these crimes accountable, departing from the trends in Europe and Latin America, the lawyers in these cases were able to use even the cases they lost to forge new legal bulwarks in favor of detainees' rights. Hundreds of Gitmo detainees were released without charge, and despite the government's extensive efforts to keep secret [End Page 733] the details of detainee mistreatment, the truth came out. But juxtaposed to that story of the rebuilding of the legal norms against torture is a second, more tragic story. As the Bush and Obama administrations tried to minimize the damage to the US' reputation resulting from revelations of detainee torture, they shifted policy by replacing detention of suspected terrorists with drone strikes against them. Killing thousands of suspected terrorists in countries with which the US is not at war raises at least as many ethical and legal questions as torture does but has failed to generate the same level of public outrage or judicial traction. The chapters on the Obama administration are particularly compelling, as Hajjar details how Obama's strong stance against military commissions and promises to close Guantánamo Bay soon failed. Because so many in Guantánamo had been tortured, Obama faced a troubling quandary: accept that the use of torture rendered fair trials against the detainees impossible and set them free or allow new military commissions to proceed with prosecution. The administration opted for the latter. As a candidate, Obama had pledged to hold torturers and the policymakers who enabled them accountable. As president, he decided to "look forward as opposed to looking backward."1 Indeed, whistleblowers exposing the crimes Americans committed as part of the war on terror were pursued much more vigorously...
期刊介绍:
Now entering its twenty-fifth year, Human Rights Quarterly is widely recognizedas the leader in the field of human rights. Articles written by experts from around the world and from a range of disciplines are edited to be understood by the intelligent reader. The Quarterly provides up-to-date information on important developments within the United Nations and regional human rights organizations, both governmental and non-governmental. It presents current work in human rights research and policy analysis, reviews of related books, and philosophical essays probing the fundamental nature of human rights as defined by the Universal Declaration of Human Rights.