《黑人与白人的教育:迈尔斯·霍顿与汉兰达中心的社会正义愿景》

IF 0.3 Q4 INDUSTRIAL RELATIONS & LABOR
Robert Korstad
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And during the last decades of the twentieth century, it was heavily involved in economic and environmental battles in Appalachia.Stephen Preskill's Education in Black and White: Myles Horton and the Highlander Center's Vision for Social Justice is the most recent book about Horton and the institution he led. Most previous books have been written by people with close ties to the center, including one by Horton himself. Preskill doesn't intend his book to be a revision of that scholarship or a comprehensive history of the man or the place. It is, instead, an exploration of the educational vision of both.The story begins in western Tennessee, where Horton grew up. His parents had eighth-grade educations and taught briefly in the public schools. But they spent most of their lives moving around the region looking for jobs to keep their family clothed and fed. One thing was constant in their migrant life: their desire for their children to get the best education possible.Horton was a good student and voracious reader, but his real education came from witnessing the poverty and racial discrimination that characterized the region. After graduating from college and teaching for a few years, Horton enrolled at Union Theological Seminary in New York, where he studied with Reinhold Niebuhr as well as Columbia University's John Dewey. A year at the University of Chicago brought him in contact with the sociologist Robert Park and Hull House's Jane Addams. Uninterested in an academic career, Horton took off for Denmark to learn about the Danish folk schools and their focus on adult learning. By the end of the trip, he had developed a vision for Highlander Folk School, his institutional home for the rest of his life.Stephen Preskill argues that popular education was central to Highlander's vision throughout the transformations of the past ninety years. Popular education was not about credentials or degrees. It was a process in which people started from their own experiences, learned from each other, and then worked collaboratively toward a transformative political goal. The workshops and training sessions that brought thousands of people to Highlander were based on this principle.Preskill addresses some of the most difficult issues in Highlander's past: the slow process of racially integrating workshops and training programs; the problematic relationship between Horton and the more conservative CIO leaders of the late 1940s; and the complicated history of the founding of the citizenship schools on Johns Island in the early civil rights years.One dimension of the story that he might have stressed more is the role that Horton and others on the Highlander staff played as strategic thinkers and planners in the southern rebellions. For instance, Horton was more than a host when CIO members and staff visited Highlander. He was an adviser to the unions as they designed organizing campaigns and developed grassroots leaders to sustain their locals. The same was true of the civil rights movement. Workshops and meetings were often a cauldron of discussion, debate, and disagreement where movement leaders, rank-and-filers, and Highlander staff hashed out their differences and honed strategies for victory.After he retired as director of Highlander in 1969, Horton began to take his ideas about popular education and political change to other parts of the world. His most exciting experiences were in Nicaragua, where he witnessed the national literacy campaigns carried out by the Sandinista government. Ten of thousands of Nicaraguans gained basic literacy skills in a five-month “crusade” carried out by trained young people.In these later years, Horton also developed a close friendship with Paulo Freire, the Brazilian educator and theorist whose book Pedagogy of the Oppressed argued that human liberation required that oppressed people draw on their own experiences to develop an understanding of their world and use that understanding to gain their freedom. Freire's vision of education for democracy was similar to Horton's, and they collaborated on a “talking book,” titled We Make the Road by Walking: Conversations on Education and Social Change.Education in Black and White is more than an engaging study of both Horton and Highlander. It is also an accessible window into the history of social justice struggles in the South, particularly in Appalachia, over the past ninety years. The book reminds us that many of the issues that Horton and his colleagues addressed continue to plague the region, including poverty, racial discrimination, poor healthcare, limited spending on education and social welfare programs, and low rates of unionization. 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His parents had eighth-grade educations and taught briefly in the public schools. But they spent most of their lives moving around the region looking for jobs to keep their family clothed and fed. One thing was constant in their migrant life: their desire for their children to get the best education possible.Horton was a good student and voracious reader, but his real education came from witnessing the poverty and racial discrimination that characterized the region. After graduating from college and teaching for a few years, Horton enrolled at Union Theological Seminary in New York, where he studied with Reinhold Niebuhr as well as Columbia University's John Dewey. A year at the University of Chicago brought him in contact with the sociologist Robert Park and Hull House's Jane Addams. Uninterested in an academic career, Horton took off for Denmark to learn about the Danish folk schools and their focus on adult learning. By the end of the trip, he had developed a vision for Highlander Folk School, his institutional home for the rest of his life.Stephen Preskill argues that popular education was central to Highlander's vision throughout the transformations of the past ninety years. Popular education was not about credentials or degrees. It was a process in which people started from their own experiences, learned from each other, and then worked collaboratively toward a transformative political goal. The workshops and training sessions that brought thousands of people to Highlander were based on this principle.Preskill addresses some of the most difficult issues in Highlander's past: the slow process of racially integrating workshops and training programs; the problematic relationship between Horton and the more conservative CIO leaders of the late 1940s; and the complicated history of the founding of the citizenship schools on Johns Island in the early civil rights years.One dimension of the story that he might have stressed more is the role that Horton and others on the Highlander staff played as strategic thinkers and planners in the southern rebellions. For instance, Horton was more than a host when CIO members and staff visited Highlander. He was an adviser to the unions as they designed organizing campaigns and developed grassroots leaders to sustain their locals. The same was true of the civil rights movement. Workshops and meetings were often a cauldron of discussion, debate, and disagreement where movement leaders, rank-and-filers, and Highlander staff hashed out their differences and honed strategies for victory.After he retired as director of Highlander in 1969, Horton began to take his ideas about popular education and political change to other parts of the world. His most exciting experiences were in Nicaragua, where he witnessed the national literacy campaigns carried out by the Sandinista government. Ten of thousands of Nicaraguans gained basic literacy skills in a five-month “crusade” carried out by trained young people.In these later years, Horton also developed a close friendship with Paulo Freire, the Brazilian educator and theorist whose book Pedagogy of the Oppressed argued that human liberation required that oppressed people draw on their own experiences to develop an understanding of their world and use that understanding to gain their freedom. 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引用次数: 0

摘要

汉兰达中心在美国南方争取社会和经济正义的斗争中发挥了不可或缺的作用。该中心于1932年由迈尔斯·霍顿(Myles Horton)等人创立,当时名为汉兰达民间学校(Highlander Folk School),多年来不断转型,以迎接时代的挑战。最初,汉兰达关注的是东田纳西州工人阶级的教育和组织需求。在20世纪30年代末和40年代,它主要作为该地区CIO工会的培训中心。在20世纪50年代和60年代,它重新转向支持南方的民权斗争。在20世纪的最后几十年里,它积极参与了阿巴拉契亚地区的经济和环境斗争。斯蒂芬·普雷斯基尔的《黑人与白人的教育:迈尔斯·霍顿和汉兰德中心的社会正义愿景》是关于霍顿和他领导的机构的最新著作。之前的大多数书都是由与该中心关系密切的人写的,包括霍顿自己写的一本。普雷斯基尔并不打算在他的书中对那些学术成果进行修订,也不打算全面介绍这个人或这个地方的历史。相反,它是对两者的教育愿景的探索。故事始于霍顿长大的田纳西州西部。他的父母只受过八年级教育,并在公立学校短暂任教。但他们一生中的大部分时间都在这个地区四处奔波,寻找工作来维持家人的温饱。在他们的移民生活中,有一件事是不变的:他们希望自己的孩子尽可能接受最好的教育。霍顿是一个好学生和如饥似渴的读者,但他真正的教育来自于目睹了该地区的贫困和种族歧视。大学毕业并执教几年后,霍顿进入纽约联合神学院,在那里他师从莱茵霍尔德·尼布尔以及哥伦比亚大学的约翰·杜威。在芝加哥大学(University of Chicago)的一年里,他结识了社会学家罗伯特·帕克(Robert Park)和赫尔学院(Hull House)的简·亚当斯(Jane adams)。霍顿对学术生涯不感兴趣,他启程前往丹麦,了解丹麦的民间学校和他们对成人教育的关注。到旅行结束时,他对汉兰达民间学校有了一个愿景,这是他余生的学校。Stephen Preskill认为,在过去90年的变革中,大众教育是汉兰达愿景的核心。大众教育不是关于证书或学位。这是一个过程,在这个过程中,人们从自己的经验出发,相互学习,然后共同努力实现一个变革的政治目标。将成千上万的人带到汉兰达的讲习班和培训课程就是基于这一原则。普雷斯基尔讲述了汉兰达过去的一些最棘手的问题:种族融合研讨会和培训计划的缓慢进程;霍顿与上世纪40年代末较为保守的CIO领导人之间存在问题的关系;以及民权运动早期在约翰斯岛建立公民学校的复杂历史。这个故事的一个方面,他可能更强调的是霍顿和其他高地人在南方叛乱中扮演的战略思想家和规划者的角色。例如,当CIO成员和员工访问汉兰达时,霍顿不仅仅是一个东道主。他是工会的顾问,帮助他们设计组织活动,培养基层领导人来支持当地居民。民权运动也是如此。研讨会和会议经常是讨论、辩论和分歧的大锅,运动领导人、普通员工和高地人的工作人员在这里讨论他们的分歧,磨练胜利的策略。1969年,霍顿从汉兰达导演的职位上退休后,开始把他关于大众教育和政治变革的想法带到世界其他地方。他最激动人心的经历是在尼加拉瓜,在那里他目睹了桑地诺政府开展的全国扫盲运动。在经过训练的年轻人进行的为期五个月的“十字军东征”中,成千上万的尼加拉瓜人获得了基本的识字技能。在后来的几年里,霍顿还与巴西教育家和理论家保罗·弗莱雷(Paulo Freire)建立了密切的友谊。弗莱雷在《被压迫者的教育学》一书中认为,人类的解放需要被压迫者从自己的经历中发展对世界的理解,并利用这种理解获得自由。弗莱雷对民主教育的看法与霍顿相似,他们合作出版了一本“会说话的书”,书名为《我们走路走的路:关于教育和社会变革的对话》。《黑人与白人的教育》不仅仅是一部关于霍顿和汉兰达的引人入胜的研究。
本文章由计算机程序翻译,如有差异,请以英文原文为准。
Education in Black and White: Myles Horton and the Highlander Center's Vision for Social Justice
Highlander Center has been indispensable to the struggle for social and economic justice in the US South. Founded in 1932 by Myles Horton and others as the Highlander Folk School, the center has transformed itself over the years to meet the challenges of the times. Initially, Highlander focused on the educational and organizational needs of working-class people in East Tennessee. In the late 1930s and 1940s it served primarily as a training center for CIO unions across the region. In the 1950s and 1960s, it redirected its efforts to support southern civil rights struggles. And during the last decades of the twentieth century, it was heavily involved in economic and environmental battles in Appalachia.Stephen Preskill's Education in Black and White: Myles Horton and the Highlander Center's Vision for Social Justice is the most recent book about Horton and the institution he led. Most previous books have been written by people with close ties to the center, including one by Horton himself. Preskill doesn't intend his book to be a revision of that scholarship or a comprehensive history of the man or the place. It is, instead, an exploration of the educational vision of both.The story begins in western Tennessee, where Horton grew up. His parents had eighth-grade educations and taught briefly in the public schools. But they spent most of their lives moving around the region looking for jobs to keep their family clothed and fed. One thing was constant in their migrant life: their desire for their children to get the best education possible.Horton was a good student and voracious reader, but his real education came from witnessing the poverty and racial discrimination that characterized the region. After graduating from college and teaching for a few years, Horton enrolled at Union Theological Seminary in New York, where he studied with Reinhold Niebuhr as well as Columbia University's John Dewey. A year at the University of Chicago brought him in contact with the sociologist Robert Park and Hull House's Jane Addams. Uninterested in an academic career, Horton took off for Denmark to learn about the Danish folk schools and their focus on adult learning. By the end of the trip, he had developed a vision for Highlander Folk School, his institutional home for the rest of his life.Stephen Preskill argues that popular education was central to Highlander's vision throughout the transformations of the past ninety years. Popular education was not about credentials or degrees. It was a process in which people started from their own experiences, learned from each other, and then worked collaboratively toward a transformative political goal. The workshops and training sessions that brought thousands of people to Highlander were based on this principle.Preskill addresses some of the most difficult issues in Highlander's past: the slow process of racially integrating workshops and training programs; the problematic relationship between Horton and the more conservative CIO leaders of the late 1940s; and the complicated history of the founding of the citizenship schools on Johns Island in the early civil rights years.One dimension of the story that he might have stressed more is the role that Horton and others on the Highlander staff played as strategic thinkers and planners in the southern rebellions. For instance, Horton was more than a host when CIO members and staff visited Highlander. He was an adviser to the unions as they designed organizing campaigns and developed grassroots leaders to sustain their locals. The same was true of the civil rights movement. Workshops and meetings were often a cauldron of discussion, debate, and disagreement where movement leaders, rank-and-filers, and Highlander staff hashed out their differences and honed strategies for victory.After he retired as director of Highlander in 1969, Horton began to take his ideas about popular education and political change to other parts of the world. His most exciting experiences were in Nicaragua, where he witnessed the national literacy campaigns carried out by the Sandinista government. Ten of thousands of Nicaraguans gained basic literacy skills in a five-month “crusade” carried out by trained young people.In these later years, Horton also developed a close friendship with Paulo Freire, the Brazilian educator and theorist whose book Pedagogy of the Oppressed argued that human liberation required that oppressed people draw on their own experiences to develop an understanding of their world and use that understanding to gain their freedom. Freire's vision of education for democracy was similar to Horton's, and they collaborated on a “talking book,” titled We Make the Road by Walking: Conversations on Education and Social Change.Education in Black and White is more than an engaging study of both Horton and Highlander. It is also an accessible window into the history of social justice struggles in the South, particularly in Appalachia, over the past ninety years. The book reminds us that many of the issues that Horton and his colleagues addressed continue to plague the region, including poverty, racial discrimination, poor healthcare, limited spending on education and social welfare programs, and low rates of unionization. But this history also reinforces the power of Horton's belief that popular education is at the heart of democratic action.
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