{"title":"忠于帝国","authors":"Moon-Ho Jung","doi":"10.1353/jaas.2023.0007","DOIUrl":null,"url":null,"abstract":"Loyalty to Empire Moon-Ho Jung (bio) In May 2003, shortly after George W. Bush launched the US invasion of Iraq, Arundhati Roy and Howard Zinn held a public conversation at the Riverside Church in Harlem, the site of Martin Luther King Jr.'s remarkable speech against the Vietnam War back in April 1967. Zinn seemed to assume that he and Roy shared similar worldviews, on the left and critical of America's latest war. At one point, Zinn attempted to defend US nationalism by pointing out its different iterations. \"And when people–and I have been accused of being anti-American, and I respond to that, you know, by saying, 'You know, we must disagree about what America is,'\" Zinn said, to much applause. \"America is not Bush. . . . America is not the government.\" After commenting on the Declaration of Independence and \"the basic principles of democracy,\" he inferred a political and intellectual camaraderie. \"So, I know–I know, Arundhati,\" Zinn declared, \"that you are pro-Indian in the best sense, and you are pro-American in the best sense. Yes.\"1 Roy let out a kind laugh, but she refused to play along. \"Well, I try not to think in these categories, actually, you know?\" she replied. \"I'm actually not a nationalist of any kind. You know, I believe that we–I think it's very important to stop . . . our minds coming up short against these artificial boundaries. And I think nationalism really does lie at the root of a lot of the troubles of this century and the last one. And . . . we really need to question that, because . . .\" Zinn interjected at that point to suggest and insist that they shared a critique of US wars. If afforded a chance to elaborate, Roy might have said what she said in a speech the next night. \"Speaking for myself, I'm no flag-waver, no patriot, and am fully aware that venality, brutality, and hypocrisy are imprinted on the leaden soul of every state,\" she said. \"So may I clarify that tonight I speak as a subject of the American Empire?\"2 The brief exchange might have appeared jovial and inconsequential, but the difference between Zinn and Roy represented a huge gulf in how we might [End Page 1] approach the United States and US history. Zinn hoped to direct America toward its progressive traditions and inclusive ends; Roy saw no hope in America because it was an empire terrorizing the world. For Zinn, the American nation, beginning with the Declaration of Independence, held a universal promise that wayward leaders like Bush endangered. It may be tempting to believe in Zinn's vision of a better America, to imagine working toward a more perfect union and a more inclusive past, but it is based on a fatally flawed premise: that it is possible to disaggregate the American nation from the US empire. That nationalist impulse has made it perhaps easier to insert Asian American history into dominant narratives of US history, but it has rested on erasing and thereby fortifying the colonial roots of US nationalism. In the process, our field has largely reproduced nationalist histories, hoping against hope that such accounts will make Asians finally into full-fledged Americans. SEARCHING FOR A TEXTBOOK When I prepare for a course, I think long and hard about which books to assign because I know that choosing the right books can transform how students see and engage the world. For me, reading Vincent Harding's There Is a River (1981) as a fledgling undergraduate decades ago awakened me to new possibilities. Harding, who had drafted King's antiwar speech, made studying the past exciting and relevant and motivated me to approach US history critically. He laid out the intellectual and political stakes of Black history, in a kind of urgent prose that I had not encountered in a history course.3 Reading Ronald Takaki's Strangers from a Different Shore (1989) in my very first Asian American Studies course, taught by Gary Y. Okihiro in the fall of 1990, likewise left a deep impression. For the very first time in an academic setting, I read about people whose backgrounds resonated with...","PeriodicalId":125906,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Asian American Studies","volume":"76 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0000,"publicationDate":"2023-03-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":"0","resultStr":"{\"title\":\"Loyalty to Empire\",\"authors\":\"Moon-Ho Jung\",\"doi\":\"10.1353/jaas.2023.0007\",\"DOIUrl\":null,\"url\":null,\"abstract\":\"Loyalty to Empire Moon-Ho Jung (bio) In May 2003, shortly after George W. Bush launched the US invasion of Iraq, Arundhati Roy and Howard Zinn held a public conversation at the Riverside Church in Harlem, the site of Martin Luther King Jr.'s remarkable speech against the Vietnam War back in April 1967. Zinn seemed to assume that he and Roy shared similar worldviews, on the left and critical of America's latest war. At one point, Zinn attempted to defend US nationalism by pointing out its different iterations. \\\"And when people–and I have been accused of being anti-American, and I respond to that, you know, by saying, 'You know, we must disagree about what America is,'\\\" Zinn said, to much applause. \\\"America is not Bush. . . . America is not the government.\\\" After commenting on the Declaration of Independence and \\\"the basic principles of democracy,\\\" he inferred a political and intellectual camaraderie. \\\"So, I know–I know, Arundhati,\\\" Zinn declared, \\\"that you are pro-Indian in the best sense, and you are pro-American in the best sense. Yes.\\\"1 Roy let out a kind laugh, but she refused to play along. \\\"Well, I try not to think in these categories, actually, you know?\\\" she replied. \\\"I'm actually not a nationalist of any kind. You know, I believe that we–I think it's very important to stop . . . our minds coming up short against these artificial boundaries. And I think nationalism really does lie at the root of a lot of the troubles of this century and the last one. And . . . we really need to question that, because . . .\\\" Zinn interjected at that point to suggest and insist that they shared a critique of US wars. If afforded a chance to elaborate, Roy might have said what she said in a speech the next night. \\\"Speaking for myself, I'm no flag-waver, no patriot, and am fully aware that venality, brutality, and hypocrisy are imprinted on the leaden soul of every state,\\\" she said. \\\"So may I clarify that tonight I speak as a subject of the American Empire?\\\"2 The brief exchange might have appeared jovial and inconsequential, but the difference between Zinn and Roy represented a huge gulf in how we might [End Page 1] approach the United States and US history. Zinn hoped to direct America toward its progressive traditions and inclusive ends; Roy saw no hope in America because it was an empire terrorizing the world. For Zinn, the American nation, beginning with the Declaration of Independence, held a universal promise that wayward leaders like Bush endangered. It may be tempting to believe in Zinn's vision of a better America, to imagine working toward a more perfect union and a more inclusive past, but it is based on a fatally flawed premise: that it is possible to disaggregate the American nation from the US empire. That nationalist impulse has made it perhaps easier to insert Asian American history into dominant narratives of US history, but it has rested on erasing and thereby fortifying the colonial roots of US nationalism. In the process, our field has largely reproduced nationalist histories, hoping against hope that such accounts will make Asians finally into full-fledged Americans. SEARCHING FOR A TEXTBOOK When I prepare for a course, I think long and hard about which books to assign because I know that choosing the right books can transform how students see and engage the world. For me, reading Vincent Harding's There Is a River (1981) as a fledgling undergraduate decades ago awakened me to new possibilities. Harding, who had drafted King's antiwar speech, made studying the past exciting and relevant and motivated me to approach US history critically. He laid out the intellectual and political stakes of Black history, in a kind of urgent prose that I had not encountered in a history course.3 Reading Ronald Takaki's Strangers from a Different Shore (1989) in my very first Asian American Studies course, taught by Gary Y. Okihiro in the fall of 1990, likewise left a deep impression. 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引用次数: 0
摘要
2003年5月,乔治·w·布什发动美国入侵伊拉克后不久,阿朗达蒂·罗伊和霍华德·津恩在哈莱姆河滨教堂举行了一次公开谈话,这里是马丁·路德·金于1967年4月发表反对越南战争的著名演讲的地方。津恩似乎认为他和罗伊有着相似的世界观,都是左派,对美国最近的战争持批评态度。有一次,津恩试图通过指出其不同的迭代来捍卫美国民族主义。“当人们——我被指责为反美,我对此的回应是,你知道,‘你知道,我们必须对美国是什么持不同意见,’”津恩说,赢得了一片掌声。“美国不是布什. . . .美国不是政府。”在评论了《独立宣言》和“民主的基本原则”之后,他推断出了一种政治上和知识上的同志情谊。“所以,我知道——我知道,阿兰达蒂,”津恩宣称,“你在最好的意义上是亲印度的,在最好的意义上也是亲美国的。是的。罗伊和蔼地笑了一声,但她拒绝配合。“嗯,实际上,我尽量不去想这些范畴,你知道吗?”她回答。“实际上,我不是任何民族主义者。你知道,我相信我们-我认为这是非常重要的停止…我们的头脑在这些人为的界限面前显得不够灵活。我认为民族主义确实是本世纪和上个世纪许多问题的根源。还有……我们真的需要对此提出质疑,因为……”津恩在这一点上插话,暗示并坚持认为他们对美国战争有共同的批评。如果有机会详细说明,罗伊可能会说她在第二天晚上的演讲中说的话。她说:“就我个人而言,我不是一个摇摆不定的人,也不是一个爱国者,我充分意识到,腐败、残暴和虚伪深深地印在每个国家的铅质灵魂上。”“所以我可以澄清一下,今晚我是作为美利坚帝国的臣民发言的吗?”这一简短的交流可能看起来是愉快而无关紧要的,但津恩和罗伊之间的差异代表了我们如何看待美国和美国历史的巨大鸿沟。津恩希望引导美国走向其进步的传统和包容的目标;罗伊在美国看不到希望,因为它是一个恐吓世界的帝国。在津恩看来,从《独立宣言》(Declaration of Independence)开始,美国就拥有一种普遍的承诺,而像布什这样任性的领导人却危及了这种承诺。人们可能很容易相信津恩关于一个更好的美国的愿景,想象着朝着一个更完美的联邦和一个更包容的过去努力,但它基于一个致命的错误前提:美国有可能从美帝国中分裂出来。这种民族主义冲动或许更容易将亚裔美国人的历史插入美国历史的主流叙事中,但它的基础是抹去并因此强化美国民族主义的殖民根源。在这个过程中,我们的领域在很大程度上复制了民族主义的历史,希望这样的描述最终能让亚洲人成为成熟的美国人。当我准备一门课程时,我花了很长时间和精力考虑应该分配哪些书,因为我知道选择合适的书可以改变学生看待和参与世界的方式。对我来说,几十年前,当我还是个刚毕业的大学生时,读了文森特·哈丁(Vincent Harding)的《有一条河》(There Is a River, 1981),让我意识到新的可能性。哈丁起草了马丁·路德·金的反战演讲,他使研究过去变得令人兴奋和相关,并激励我批判性地研究美国历史。他用一种我在历史课上从未遇到过的急迫的散文,阐述了黑人历史在知识和政治上的利害关系1990年秋天,加里·y·冲广教授的第一门亚裔美国研究课上,我读了高木罗纳德的《异岸生人》(1989),同样给我留下了深刻的印象。第一次在学术环境中,我读到一些人的背景与……
Loyalty to Empire Moon-Ho Jung (bio) In May 2003, shortly after George W. Bush launched the US invasion of Iraq, Arundhati Roy and Howard Zinn held a public conversation at the Riverside Church in Harlem, the site of Martin Luther King Jr.'s remarkable speech against the Vietnam War back in April 1967. Zinn seemed to assume that he and Roy shared similar worldviews, on the left and critical of America's latest war. At one point, Zinn attempted to defend US nationalism by pointing out its different iterations. "And when people–and I have been accused of being anti-American, and I respond to that, you know, by saying, 'You know, we must disagree about what America is,'" Zinn said, to much applause. "America is not Bush. . . . America is not the government." After commenting on the Declaration of Independence and "the basic principles of democracy," he inferred a political and intellectual camaraderie. "So, I know–I know, Arundhati," Zinn declared, "that you are pro-Indian in the best sense, and you are pro-American in the best sense. Yes."1 Roy let out a kind laugh, but she refused to play along. "Well, I try not to think in these categories, actually, you know?" she replied. "I'm actually not a nationalist of any kind. You know, I believe that we–I think it's very important to stop . . . our minds coming up short against these artificial boundaries. And I think nationalism really does lie at the root of a lot of the troubles of this century and the last one. And . . . we really need to question that, because . . ." Zinn interjected at that point to suggest and insist that they shared a critique of US wars. If afforded a chance to elaborate, Roy might have said what she said in a speech the next night. "Speaking for myself, I'm no flag-waver, no patriot, and am fully aware that venality, brutality, and hypocrisy are imprinted on the leaden soul of every state," she said. "So may I clarify that tonight I speak as a subject of the American Empire?"2 The brief exchange might have appeared jovial and inconsequential, but the difference between Zinn and Roy represented a huge gulf in how we might [End Page 1] approach the United States and US history. Zinn hoped to direct America toward its progressive traditions and inclusive ends; Roy saw no hope in America because it was an empire terrorizing the world. For Zinn, the American nation, beginning with the Declaration of Independence, held a universal promise that wayward leaders like Bush endangered. It may be tempting to believe in Zinn's vision of a better America, to imagine working toward a more perfect union and a more inclusive past, but it is based on a fatally flawed premise: that it is possible to disaggregate the American nation from the US empire. That nationalist impulse has made it perhaps easier to insert Asian American history into dominant narratives of US history, but it has rested on erasing and thereby fortifying the colonial roots of US nationalism. In the process, our field has largely reproduced nationalist histories, hoping against hope that such accounts will make Asians finally into full-fledged Americans. SEARCHING FOR A TEXTBOOK When I prepare for a course, I think long and hard about which books to assign because I know that choosing the right books can transform how students see and engage the world. For me, reading Vincent Harding's There Is a River (1981) as a fledgling undergraduate decades ago awakened me to new possibilities. Harding, who had drafted King's antiwar speech, made studying the past exciting and relevant and motivated me to approach US history critically. He laid out the intellectual and political stakes of Black history, in a kind of urgent prose that I had not encountered in a history course.3 Reading Ronald Takaki's Strangers from a Different Shore (1989) in my very first Asian American Studies course, taught by Gary Y. Okihiro in the fall of 1990, likewise left a deep impression. For the very first time in an academic setting, I read about people whose backgrounds resonated with...