政治内容和新闻是两极化的,但其他内容不在YouTube的观看历史中

Magdalena Wojcieszak, Rong-Ching (Anna) Chang, Ericka Menchen-Trevino
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引用次数: 0

摘要

对社交媒体平台上意识形态偏见和两极分化的研究主要集中在新闻和政治内容上。非政治性的内容更受欢迎,却经常被忽视。由于党派关系与公民的非政治态度有关,而非政治内容可以携带政治线索,我们探讨了意识形态偏见和党派隔离是否延伸到用户的非政治在线暴露。我们专注于YouTube,最受欢迎的平台之一。我们依靠来自美国成年人的在线数据(N = 2237)。从超过1.29亿次访问到超过3700万个url,我们分析了1,874名参与者对YouTube视频的1,037,392次访问。我们在942个新闻域中识别YouTube频道,利用基于bert的分类器识别新闻频道之外的政治视频,并估计数据中所有视频的意识形态。我们比较了在接触(a)新闻、(b)政治和(c)非政治内容时的意识形态偏见。我们检查了曝光的亲和性(即,用户是否消费志同道合的内容?)和极化(即,民主党和共和党在他们消费的内容上是否存在重叠?)我们发现,在新闻和政治视频的消费中,尤其是在共和党人中,存在着相当大的相似性,而在这种曝光中,存在着高度的两极分化。民主党和共和党之间的重叠部分有限)。我们还表明,非政治内容的曝光亲和性和两极分化都明显较低,因为非政治视频不太可能在意识形态上志同道合,民主党人和共和党人都消费类似的非政治内容。讨论了这些发现的理论和实践意义。
本文章由计算机程序翻译,如有差异,请以英文原文为准。
Political content and news are polarized but other content is not in YouTube watch histories
Research on ideological biases and polarization on social media platforms primarilyfocuses on news and political content. Non-political content, which isvastly more popular, is often overlooked. Because partisanship is correlatedwith citizens’ non-political attitudes and non-political content can carry politicalcues, we explore whether ideological biases and partisan segregation extendto users’ non-political exposures online. We focus on YouTube, one of the mostpopular platforms. We rely online data from American adults (N = 2,237).From over 129 million visits to over 37 million URLs, we analyze 1,037,392visits to YouTube videos from 1,874 participants. We identify YouTube channelsof 942 news domains, utilize a BERT-based classifier to identify politicalvideos outside news channels, and estimate the ideology of all the videos inour data. We compare ideological biases in exposure to (a) news, (b) political,and (c) non-political content. We examine both exposure congeniality (i.e., areusers consuming like-minded content?) and polarization (i.e. are there overlapsbetween Democrats and Republicans in the content they consume?). Wefind substantial congeniality in the consumption of news and political videos,especially among Republicans, and high levels of polarization in this exposure(i.e., limited overlaps between Democrats and Republicans). We also showthat both exposure congeniality and polarization are significantly lower fornon-political content, in that non-political videos are less likely to be ideologicallylike-minded and both Democrats and Republicans consume similarnon-political content. Theoretical and practical implications of these findingsare discussed.
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