《俄罗斯的文化治国之道》,托马斯·弗尔斯伯格和西尔克主编Mäkinen(评论)

IF 0.1 4区 文学 0 LANGUAGE & LINGUISTICS
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In their Introduction, co-editors Tuomas Firsberg and Sirke Mäkinen argue plausibly that Joseph Nye's distinction between 'hard' and 'soft' power is ambiguous and over-used, since 'power' is not necessarily achieved by cultural influence; another common term, 'cultural diplomacy' (as used in another recent edited volume, Louise Hardiman's Courtly Gifts and Cultural Diplomacy: Art, Material Culture, and British-Russian Relations (Paderborn: Brill, 2023)), is confusingly adjacent to high-level ambassadorial exchanges. Therefore Firsberg and Mäkinen propose 'cultural statecraft' as an alternative term for cultural activity undertaken to further a given state's reputation or interests, without any guaranteed goal or outcome. The latter clarification is necessary because, as this volume testifies, there are few cultural fields or political zones where Russian cultural statecraft has in fact attained lasting success (with the possible exception of participation in the Eurovision Song Contest, which Mari Pajala and Dean Vuletic, in their chapter, call 'Russia's biggest success story in popular music as cultural diplomacy' (p. 179)). Even in regions where Russian aesthetic and educational opportunities were once eagerly accepted by students and other consumers, such as Africa, India, and Latin America, this influence has waned drastically since the fall of the Soviet Union. As statistics presented by Sirke Mäkinen in her separate essay 'Higher Education as a Tool for Cultural Statecraft' show, more than half of the international students attending Russian universities are citizens of former Soviet nations: student recruitment from Africa and the Middle East has plunged to single percentage points, while European and North American recruitment is fractional. This is because Russia's academic and scientific reputation no longer outweighs its widespread (and objectively accurate) perception as corrupt, inefficient, and monolingual. Under Vladimir Putin, the Russian state has actively attempted to recapture global hearts and minds through new (often hybridized) processes. In the new global knowledge hierarchy, the ability to sow misinformation—through, for example, the Kremlin's infamous troll farms—is more effective than teaching Tolstoy to farmers in Timbuktu could ever be. Firsberg and Mäkinen's Introduction examines key milestones in this transformation: the launch of the Russia Today (RT) television news channel in 2005; the creation of the Russkii Mir Foundation, dedicated to sponsoring Russian language-learning and Russophone culture across the globe, in 2007; Putin's speech in Munich the same year challenging American cultural hegemony; the [End Page 649] launch of various neutrally named state-funded think tanks in overseas locations; and a 2014 document by the Culture Minister Vladimir Tolstoy (descendant of Leo) locating most human activities under the aegis of his own ministry: '\"[Culture] includes moral values, broader public education, youth policy issues, and the kinds of cities and villages we live in. We have tried to take an all-encompassing approach […]\"' (cited on p. 8). These words ring grimly accurate in the light of the forcible Russification of captured Ukrainian territory today. The eleven essays in Russia's Cultural Statecraft are case studies of how Putin's government has used various cultural fields more or less (usually less) successfully to gain geopolitical sway. The authors draw on many of the same sources (Nye and other scholars on 'soft power'; Kremlin state media for the pro-Putin perspective) and use similar methodological approaches (data analysis, including interviews with key cultural agents and with focus groups). The volume benefits from well- integrated cross-referencing. Lina Klimenko's piece on contested Soviet Second World War monuments in Eastern Europe provides a fascinating counterpoint to the current Western debate over the legitimacy of statues to slavers and colonists; remarkably, none of the statues of Soviet soldiers and patriots she describes has been significantly vandalized since this book went to print. In '\"Russian Literature Will Fix Everything\"', Angelos Theocharis describes recent state-funded initiatives to...","PeriodicalId":45399,"journal":{"name":"MODERN LANGUAGE REVIEW","volume":"9 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.1000,"publicationDate":"2023-10-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":"0","resultStr":"{\"title\":\"Russia's Cultural Statecraft ed. by Tuomas Firsberg and Sirke Mäkinen (review)\",\"authors\":\"\",\"doi\":\"10.1353/mlr.2023.a907878\",\"DOIUrl\":null,\"url\":null,\"abstract\":\"Reviewed by: Russia's Cultural Statecraft ed. by Tuomas Firsberg and Sirke Mäkinen Muireann Maguire Russia's Cultural Statecraft. Ed. by Tuomas Firsberg and Sirke Mäkinen. (Studies in Contemporary Russia) Routledge: New York and Abingdon. 2022. £29.95. xiv + 250 pp. ISBN 978–0–367–69436–4. This timely, wide-ranging collection surveys Russian cultural influence in the twenty-first century. In their Introduction, co-editors Tuomas Firsberg and Sirke Mäkinen argue plausibly that Joseph Nye's distinction between 'hard' and 'soft' power is ambiguous and over-used, since 'power' is not necessarily achieved by cultural influence; another common term, 'cultural diplomacy' (as used in another recent edited volume, Louise Hardiman's Courtly Gifts and Cultural Diplomacy: Art, Material Culture, and British-Russian Relations (Paderborn: Brill, 2023)), is confusingly adjacent to high-level ambassadorial exchanges. Therefore Firsberg and Mäkinen propose 'cultural statecraft' as an alternative term for cultural activity undertaken to further a given state's reputation or interests, without any guaranteed goal or outcome. The latter clarification is necessary because, as this volume testifies, there are few cultural fields or political zones where Russian cultural statecraft has in fact attained lasting success (with the possible exception of participation in the Eurovision Song Contest, which Mari Pajala and Dean Vuletic, in their chapter, call 'Russia's biggest success story in popular music as cultural diplomacy' (p. 179)). Even in regions where Russian aesthetic and educational opportunities were once eagerly accepted by students and other consumers, such as Africa, India, and Latin America, this influence has waned drastically since the fall of the Soviet Union. As statistics presented by Sirke Mäkinen in her separate essay 'Higher Education as a Tool for Cultural Statecraft' show, more than half of the international students attending Russian universities are citizens of former Soviet nations: student recruitment from Africa and the Middle East has plunged to single percentage points, while European and North American recruitment is fractional. This is because Russia's academic and scientific reputation no longer outweighs its widespread (and objectively accurate) perception as corrupt, inefficient, and monolingual. Under Vladimir Putin, the Russian state has actively attempted to recapture global hearts and minds through new (often hybridized) processes. In the new global knowledge hierarchy, the ability to sow misinformation—through, for example, the Kremlin's infamous troll farms—is more effective than teaching Tolstoy to farmers in Timbuktu could ever be. Firsberg and Mäkinen's Introduction examines key milestones in this transformation: the launch of the Russia Today (RT) television news channel in 2005; the creation of the Russkii Mir Foundation, dedicated to sponsoring Russian language-learning and Russophone culture across the globe, in 2007; Putin's speech in Munich the same year challenging American cultural hegemony; the [End Page 649] launch of various neutrally named state-funded think tanks in overseas locations; and a 2014 document by the Culture Minister Vladimir Tolstoy (descendant of Leo) locating most human activities under the aegis of his own ministry: '\\\"[Culture] includes moral values, broader public education, youth policy issues, and the kinds of cities and villages we live in. We have tried to take an all-encompassing approach […]\\\"' (cited on p. 8). These words ring grimly accurate in the light of the forcible Russification of captured Ukrainian territory today. The eleven essays in Russia's Cultural Statecraft are case studies of how Putin's government has used various cultural fields more or less (usually less) successfully to gain geopolitical sway. The authors draw on many of the same sources (Nye and other scholars on 'soft power'; Kremlin state media for the pro-Putin perspective) and use similar methodological approaches (data analysis, including interviews with key cultural agents and with focus groups). The volume benefits from well- integrated cross-referencing. Lina Klimenko's piece on contested Soviet Second World War monuments in Eastern Europe provides a fascinating counterpoint to the current Western debate over the legitimacy of statues to slavers and colonists; remarkably, none of the statues of Soviet soldiers and patriots she describes has been significantly vandalized since this book went to print. 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引用次数: 0

摘要

书评:《俄罗斯的文化治国之道》,作者:托马斯·弗尔斯伯格和西尔克Mäkinen缪琳·马奎尔《俄罗斯的文化治国之道》。作者:thomas first berg和Sirke Mäkinen。《当代俄罗斯研究》,劳特利奇:纽约和阿宾顿出版社,2022。£29.95。xiv + 250页。ISBN 978-0-367-69436-4。这及时,广泛的收集调查俄罗斯文化在二十一世纪的影响。在他们的介绍中,合著者托马斯·弗尔斯伯格和西尔克Mäkinen合理地认为,约瑟夫·奈对“硬”和“软”实力的区分是模糊和过度使用的,因为“权力”不一定是通过文化影响实现的;另一个常见的术语“文化外交”(在另一本最近编辑的书中使用,路易斯·哈迪曼的宫廷礼物和文化外交:艺术,物质文化和英俄关系(帕德博恩:布瑞尔出版社,2023年)),令人困惑地与高级别大使交流相邻。因此,first berg和Mäkinen提出“文化治国”作为文化活动的替代术语,以促进特定国家的声誉或利益,没有任何保证的目标或结果。后一种澄清是必要的,因为正如本书所证明的那样,很少有文化领域或政治领域,俄罗斯的文化治理实际上取得了持久的成功(可能除了参加欧洲歌唱大赛,Mari Pajala和Dean Vuletic在他们的章节中称之为“俄罗斯在流行音乐中作为文化外交的最大成功故事”)。即使在非洲、印度和拉丁美洲等学生和其他消费者曾经热切接受俄罗斯美学和教育机会的地区,这种影响也在苏联解体后急剧减弱。Sirke Mäkinen在她的另一篇文章《高等教育作为文化治国之道的工具》中提供的统计数据显示,在俄罗斯大学就读的国际学生中,有一半以上是前苏联国家的公民:来自非洲和中东的学生入学率下降了一个百分点,而来自欧洲和北美的学生入学率则微乎其微。这是因为俄罗斯在学术和科学上的声誉不再超过其普遍(客观准确)的腐败、低效和单一语言的印象。在弗拉基米尔•普京(Vladimir Putin)的领导下,俄罗斯政府一直在积极尝试通过新的(通常是混合的)进程重新赢得全球的人心。在新的全球知识等级体系中,散布错误信息的能力——例如,通过克里姆林宫臭名昭著的巨魔农场——比向廷巴克图的农民传授托尔斯泰更有效。firberg和Mäkinen的引言考察了这一转变中的关键里程碑:2005年今日俄罗斯(RT)电视新闻频道的推出;2007年,俄罗斯基金会成立,致力于在全球范围内赞助俄语学习和俄语文化;普京同年在慕尼黑的演讲挑战了美国的文化霸权;在海外设立各种名称中立的国家资助智库;2014年,俄罗斯文化部长弗拉基米尔·托尔斯泰(列夫·托尔斯泰的后代)的一份文件将大多数人类活动归他自己的部门管辖:“(文化)包括道德价值观、更广泛的公共教育、青年政策问题,以及我们所居住的城市和村庄。我们试图采取一种包罗万象的方法[…]”(引自第8页)。鉴于今天乌克兰领土被强行俄罗斯化,这些话听起来非常准确。《俄罗斯的文化治国方略》中的11篇文章是对普京政府如何或多或少(通常不太)成功地利用各种文化领域获得地缘政治影响力的案例研究。两位作者引用了许多相同的来源(奈和其他学者关于“软实力”;克里姆林宫官方媒体支持普京的观点),并使用类似的方法方法(数据分析,包括对主要文化代理人和焦点群体的采访)。该卷受益于良好整合的交叉参考。莉娜·克里门科(Lina Klimenko)关于东欧有争议的苏联二战纪念碑的文章,与当前西方关于奴隶和殖民者雕像合法性的辩论形成了有趣的对比;值得注意的是,自这本书出版以来,她所描述的苏联士兵和爱国者的雕像都没有遭到严重破坏。在《俄罗斯文学将修复一切》一书中,安杰洛斯·西奥查里斯描述了最近由国家资助的计划……
本文章由计算机程序翻译,如有差异,请以英文原文为准。
Russia's Cultural Statecraft ed. by Tuomas Firsberg and Sirke Mäkinen (review)
Reviewed by: Russia's Cultural Statecraft ed. by Tuomas Firsberg and Sirke Mäkinen Muireann Maguire Russia's Cultural Statecraft. Ed. by Tuomas Firsberg and Sirke Mäkinen. (Studies in Contemporary Russia) Routledge: New York and Abingdon. 2022. £29.95. xiv + 250 pp. ISBN 978–0–367–69436–4. This timely, wide-ranging collection surveys Russian cultural influence in the twenty-first century. In their Introduction, co-editors Tuomas Firsberg and Sirke Mäkinen argue plausibly that Joseph Nye's distinction between 'hard' and 'soft' power is ambiguous and over-used, since 'power' is not necessarily achieved by cultural influence; another common term, 'cultural diplomacy' (as used in another recent edited volume, Louise Hardiman's Courtly Gifts and Cultural Diplomacy: Art, Material Culture, and British-Russian Relations (Paderborn: Brill, 2023)), is confusingly adjacent to high-level ambassadorial exchanges. Therefore Firsberg and Mäkinen propose 'cultural statecraft' as an alternative term for cultural activity undertaken to further a given state's reputation or interests, without any guaranteed goal or outcome. The latter clarification is necessary because, as this volume testifies, there are few cultural fields or political zones where Russian cultural statecraft has in fact attained lasting success (with the possible exception of participation in the Eurovision Song Contest, which Mari Pajala and Dean Vuletic, in their chapter, call 'Russia's biggest success story in popular music as cultural diplomacy' (p. 179)). Even in regions where Russian aesthetic and educational opportunities were once eagerly accepted by students and other consumers, such as Africa, India, and Latin America, this influence has waned drastically since the fall of the Soviet Union. As statistics presented by Sirke Mäkinen in her separate essay 'Higher Education as a Tool for Cultural Statecraft' show, more than half of the international students attending Russian universities are citizens of former Soviet nations: student recruitment from Africa and the Middle East has plunged to single percentage points, while European and North American recruitment is fractional. This is because Russia's academic and scientific reputation no longer outweighs its widespread (and objectively accurate) perception as corrupt, inefficient, and monolingual. Under Vladimir Putin, the Russian state has actively attempted to recapture global hearts and minds through new (often hybridized) processes. In the new global knowledge hierarchy, the ability to sow misinformation—through, for example, the Kremlin's infamous troll farms—is more effective than teaching Tolstoy to farmers in Timbuktu could ever be. Firsberg and Mäkinen's Introduction examines key milestones in this transformation: the launch of the Russia Today (RT) television news channel in 2005; the creation of the Russkii Mir Foundation, dedicated to sponsoring Russian language-learning and Russophone culture across the globe, in 2007; Putin's speech in Munich the same year challenging American cultural hegemony; the [End Page 649] launch of various neutrally named state-funded think tanks in overseas locations; and a 2014 document by the Culture Minister Vladimir Tolstoy (descendant of Leo) locating most human activities under the aegis of his own ministry: '"[Culture] includes moral values, broader public education, youth policy issues, and the kinds of cities and villages we live in. We have tried to take an all-encompassing approach […]"' (cited on p. 8). These words ring grimly accurate in the light of the forcible Russification of captured Ukrainian territory today. The eleven essays in Russia's Cultural Statecraft are case studies of how Putin's government has used various cultural fields more or less (usually less) successfully to gain geopolitical sway. The authors draw on many of the same sources (Nye and other scholars on 'soft power'; Kremlin state media for the pro-Putin perspective) and use similar methodological approaches (data analysis, including interviews with key cultural agents and with focus groups). The volume benefits from well- integrated cross-referencing. Lina Klimenko's piece on contested Soviet Second World War monuments in Eastern Europe provides a fascinating counterpoint to the current Western debate over the legitimacy of statues to slavers and colonists; remarkably, none of the statues of Soviet soldiers and patriots she describes has been significantly vandalized since this book went to print. In '"Russian Literature Will Fix Everything"', Angelos Theocharis describes recent state-funded initiatives to...
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来源期刊
CiteScore
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0.00%
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157
期刊介绍: With an unbroken publication record since 1905, its 1248 pages are divided between articles, predominantly on medieval and modern literature, in the languages of continental Europe, together with English (including the United States and the Commonwealth), Francophone Africa and Canada, and Latin America. In addition, MLR reviews over five hundred books each year The MLR Supplement The Modern Language Review was founded in 1905 and has included well over 3,000 articles and some 20,000 book reviews. This supplement to Volume 100 is published by the Modern Humanities Research Association in celebration of the centenary of its flagship journal.
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