民主与再分配:重新审视政权的作用

Vera Beloshitzkaya
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引用次数: 6

摘要

这项研究挑战了比较政治学中一个得到充分支持的制度主义理论,该理论将民主与更高水平的再分配联系起来,并将威权主义与福利国家自由化联系起来。通过汇总10个后共产主义国家25年的横截面数据和动态模型说明,该研究表明,与制度主义理论预测相反,后共产主义民主政府在社会保障方面的再分配在短期内比后共产主义专制政府少0.6%,在长期内比后共产主义专制政府少1.3%。然而,与文化遗产假说一致的是,当涉及到通过医疗保健和教育重新分配生活机会时,没有差异。我认为,后共产主义专制国家更多地通过社会支出进行再分配,并且不愿开放其福利国家,是因为它们需要在一个公民习惯于高水平再分配和民众抗议经常导致政权更替的地区维持民众的合法性。我认为,后共产主义民主国家有其他可用的机制来维持其合法性,即自由公正的选举,而后共产主义专制政府必须依靠再分配来做到这一点。这些发现对我们理解该地区的专制弹性具有启示意义。
本文章由计算机程序翻译,如有差异,请以英文原文为准。
Democracy and Redistribution: The Role of Regime Revisited
This study challenges a well-supported institutionalist theory in comparative politics that links democracy with higher levels of redistribution as well as studies that link authoritarianism with welfare state liberalization. Using pooled cross-sectional data for ten post-communist countries spanning twenty-five years and a dynamic model specification, the study shows that, contrary to what the institutionalist theory predicts, post-communist democratic governments redistribute about 0.6 percent less of their GDP on social protection in the short term and 1.3 percent less in the long term than post-communist autocrats do. However, consistent with the cultural legacies hypothesis, there are no differences when it comes to redistribution of life chances through health care and education. I attribute the finding that post-communist autocracies redistribute more via social spending and are reluctant to liberalize their welfare states to their need to maintain popular legitimacy in a region where citizens are accustomed to high levels of redistribution and popular protests often lead to regime turnover. I argue that post-communist democracies have other available mechanisms to maintain their legitimacy, namely, free and fair elections, while post-communist autocratic governments have to rely on redistribution to do so. The findings have implications for our understanding of authoritarian resilience in the region.
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