地域语言学和词源学

Alenka Šivic-Dular
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The base pair (*alisā ‘alder' - *aliso- ‘alder?') shows the same word-formational and morphological relationship as certain other expressions for trees derived from stems denoting colors (e. g., PSl *berzā - *berzo- ‘birch', *berstā - *bersto- ‘elm'). 4. The masculine and feminine elements of all pairs are phonetically equal, refl ecting the same principles of Slavic phonetic development (except for the oldest phonetic change at word onset manifested in Slavic *o- : *(j)e-, which cannot be unambiguously explained): cf. the pan-Slavic development of PIE *s > PSl. *x (*oalisā > *oalixā or *ealisā > *elixā), the pan-Slavic development of PIE *i > PSl. *ь (*oalixā > *olьxa, *ealisā > *elьxa), and the development of PSl *x > s' after progressive palatalization (*oalixā > *olьs'a, *ealisā > *elьs'a) in East and South Slavic dialects. In contrast, the -š- in the West Slavic forms *olьša, *jelьša is explained as a structural element rather than the West Slavic refl ex of the progressive palatalization of PSl. *x > *š' (*oalixā > *olьš'a, *ealisā > *elьš'a), as would be expected. The reason for this should be sought in the South Slavic phonetic forms of the type *olьša and *elьša, in which the appearance of -š- could imply morphological generalizations from various derivatives. 5. The PSl presence of phonetic variants with a sibilant *s' < PSl *x (i. e., *elьs'a and *elьs'ь) in South Slavic is indicated by rare lexical vestiges from the periphery of the vast linguistic area extending from eastern Prekmurje and Prlekija in Slovenia to Kajkavian territory (i. e., the area around Varaždin, Kotoriba, Gola to the east of Koprivnica, the area around Zagreb, and the southern edges of Slavonia in Croatia) as well as the Čakavian area (i. e., Brinje in the Lika region, and Jelsa on the island of Hvar in Croatia). 6. The phonetically innovative South Slavic forms *elьs'a, *elьs'ь alongside archaic *elьxa, *elьxъ can be compared to the phonetically innovative East Slavic forms *olьs'a, *olьs'ь alongside archaic *olьxa, *olьxъ, and the *s' can be defi ned as an East or/and South Slavic refl ex of *x after progressive palatalization, which extends well into the PSl period and, alongside PSl *vьxъ (East and South Slavic *vьs'ь and West Slavic *vьš'ь), is another lexeme with progressive palatalization of *x in the stem.","PeriodicalId":235853,"journal":{"name":"Slavic and Balkan Linguistics","volume":"30 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0000,"publicationDate":"1900-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":"0","resultStr":"{\"title\":\"Areal linguistics and etymology\",\"authors\":\"Alenka Šivic-Dular\",\"doi\":\"10.31168/2658-3372.2019.2.3\",\"DOIUrl\":null,\"url\":null,\"abstract\":\"1. This article reconstructs six pairs of PSl equivalents for ‘alder' preserved in Slavic dialects in an appellative and/or onomastic function, whose elements can be distinguished from one another by grammatical gender (feminine or masculine) and declension type: *olьxa - *olьxъ, *olьša - *olьšь, *olьs'a - *olьs'ъ, *elьxa - *elьxъ, *elьša - *elьšъ, and *elьs'a - *elьs'ъ. The masculine forms are known only in East and South Slavic dialects. 2. The elements of the pair with the oldest phonetic form, which show the word-formational relationship of an ā-stem for the feminine form (*alisā) versus an o-stem for the masculine form (*aliso-s), can be dated at least to early PSl; other phonetic pairs developed later because they contain younger phonetic forms. 3. 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In contrast, the -š- in the West Slavic forms *olьša, *jelьša is explained as a structural element rather than the West Slavic refl ex of the progressive palatalization of PSl. *x > *š' (*oalixā > *olьš'a, *ealisā > *elьš'a), as would be expected. The reason for this should be sought in the South Slavic phonetic forms of the type *olьša and *elьša, in which the appearance of -š- could imply morphological generalizations from various derivatives. 5. The PSl presence of phonetic variants with a sibilant *s' < PSl *x (i. e., *elьs'a and *elьs'ь) in South Slavic is indicated by rare lexical vestiges from the periphery of the vast linguistic area extending from eastern Prekmurje and Prlekija in Slovenia to Kajkavian territory (i. e., the area around Varaždin, Kotoriba, Gola to the east of Koprivnica, the area around Zagreb, and the southern edges of Slavonia in Croatia) as well as the Čakavian area (i. e., Brinje in the Lika region, and Jelsa on the island of Hvar in Croatia). 6. 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引用次数: 0

摘要

1. 本文采样六双PSl等价物桤木的保存在斯拉夫语方言的称呼和/或名字的函数,可以区别于另一个元素的语法性别(女性或男性)和词尾变化类型:* olьxa - * olьxъ* olьš- * olьšь,* olь萨那- * olь年代“ъ,elьxa - * * elьxъ* elьš- * elьšъ,和elьs * - * elь年代ъ。阳性形式只在东斯拉夫语和南斯拉夫语方言中存在。2. 这对最古老的语音形式的元素,显示了女性形式的ā-stem与男性形式的o-stem (*aliso-s)的构词关系,至少可以追溯到PSl早期;其他语音对发展较晚,因为它们包含较年轻的语音形式。3.这个碱基对(* alisi ā '桤木' - *aliso- '桤木?')与其他一些从树干衍生的表示颜色的树木的表达(例如,PSl * berzi ā - *berzo- '桦树',* bersti ā - *bersto- '榆树')显示出相同的构词法和形态学关系。4. 所有对的阳性和阴性元素在语音上是平等的,反映了斯拉夫语语音发展的相同原则(除了最古老的词头语音变化表现在斯拉夫语*o-: *(j)e-,这无法明确解释):参见PIE *s > PSl的泛斯拉夫语发展。*x (* oalisna > * oalixna or * ealisna > * elixna), PIE的泛斯拉夫发展*i > PSl。* * * * * * * *olьxa, * ealisna * *elьxa),以及在东斯拉夫语和南斯拉夫语方言中逐步腭化(* oalixna * *olьs'a, * ealisna * *elьs'a)后PSl *x > s'的发展。相比之下,西斯拉夫语形式*olьša, *jelьša中的- - -被解释为一个结构元素,而不是西斯拉夫语对PSl逐步腭化的反映。* x > *š”(* oalixā> * olьš’,* ealisā> * elьš' a),正如所预期的那样。其原因可以从南斯拉夫语*olьša和*elьša类型的语音形式中寻找,其中-š-的出现可能暗示着各种衍生词的形态概括。5. PSl语音变异的存在,咝咝作声的*年代< PSl * x(即* elь萨那和* elь年代ь)在南斯拉夫是罕见的词法痕迹表明从巨大的语言区域的外围扩展Prekmurje东部和Prlekija在斯洛文尼亚Kajkavian领土(即瓦拉周围地区ž喧嚣,Kotoriba,反曲线Koprivnica以东,萨格勒布,周围地区和南部边缘斯拉沃尼亚在克罗地亚)以及Čakavian区域(即Brinje Lika地区以及克罗地亚赫瓦尔岛上的耶尔萨)。6. 语音学上创新南斯拉夫形式* elь年代,* elь年代“ь与古老的* elьxa * elьxъ可以比作语音学上创新的东斯拉夫形式* olь年代,* olь年代ь与古* olьxa、* olьxъ,*年代可以违抗ned作为东部或南部斯拉夫反射后交货* x进步腭音化,延伸到PSl时期,除了PSl * vьxъ(东部和南部斯拉夫* vьs 'ь和西斯拉夫* vьš的ь),是词干中*x渐进式腭化的另一个词素。
本文章由计算机程序翻译,如有差异,请以英文原文为准。
Areal linguistics and etymology
1. This article reconstructs six pairs of PSl equivalents for ‘alder' preserved in Slavic dialects in an appellative and/or onomastic function, whose elements can be distinguished from one another by grammatical gender (feminine or masculine) and declension type: *olьxa - *olьxъ, *olьša - *olьšь, *olьs'a - *olьs'ъ, *elьxa - *elьxъ, *elьša - *elьšъ, and *elьs'a - *elьs'ъ. The masculine forms are known only in East and South Slavic dialects. 2. The elements of the pair with the oldest phonetic form, which show the word-formational relationship of an ā-stem for the feminine form (*alisā) versus an o-stem for the masculine form (*aliso-s), can be dated at least to early PSl; other phonetic pairs developed later because they contain younger phonetic forms. 3. The base pair (*alisā ‘alder' - *aliso- ‘alder?') shows the same word-formational and morphological relationship as certain other expressions for trees derived from stems denoting colors (e. g., PSl *berzā - *berzo- ‘birch', *berstā - *bersto- ‘elm'). 4. The masculine and feminine elements of all pairs are phonetically equal, refl ecting the same principles of Slavic phonetic development (except for the oldest phonetic change at word onset manifested in Slavic *o- : *(j)e-, which cannot be unambiguously explained): cf. the pan-Slavic development of PIE *s > PSl. *x (*oalisā > *oalixā or *ealisā > *elixā), the pan-Slavic development of PIE *i > PSl. *ь (*oalixā > *olьxa, *ealisā > *elьxa), and the development of PSl *x > s' after progressive palatalization (*oalixā > *olьs'a, *ealisā > *elьs'a) in East and South Slavic dialects. In contrast, the -š- in the West Slavic forms *olьša, *jelьša is explained as a structural element rather than the West Slavic refl ex of the progressive palatalization of PSl. *x > *š' (*oalixā > *olьš'a, *ealisā > *elьš'a), as would be expected. The reason for this should be sought in the South Slavic phonetic forms of the type *olьša and *elьša, in which the appearance of -š- could imply morphological generalizations from various derivatives. 5. The PSl presence of phonetic variants with a sibilant *s' < PSl *x (i. e., *elьs'a and *elьs'ь) in South Slavic is indicated by rare lexical vestiges from the periphery of the vast linguistic area extending from eastern Prekmurje and Prlekija in Slovenia to Kajkavian territory (i. e., the area around Varaždin, Kotoriba, Gola to the east of Koprivnica, the area around Zagreb, and the southern edges of Slavonia in Croatia) as well as the Čakavian area (i. e., Brinje in the Lika region, and Jelsa on the island of Hvar in Croatia). 6. The phonetically innovative South Slavic forms *elьs'a, *elьs'ь alongside archaic *elьxa, *elьxъ can be compared to the phonetically innovative East Slavic forms *olьs'a, *olьs'ь alongside archaic *olьxa, *olьxъ, and the *s' can be defi ned as an East or/and South Slavic refl ex of *x after progressive palatalization, which extends well into the PSl period and, alongside PSl *vьxъ (East and South Slavic *vьs'ь and West Slavic *vьš'ь), is another lexeme with progressive palatalization of *x in the stem.
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