意大利力量党的性质和意大利的过渡

C. Paolucci
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引用次数: 10

摘要

作为过去十年的主要政治演员,西尔维奥·贝卢斯科尼似乎在许多政治领域引入了根本性的创新:新的竞选方法,新的领导风格和语言,新的联盟战略和意识形态内容。所有这些创新都对政党和政治制度、政治沟通、政党纲领和政府方案、立法产出的内容以及可以说是意大利民主的质量产生了相当大的影响。在这些创新中,有一个将成为本文分析的重点,即创建一个展示新组织模式的政党。这种模式的痕迹在20世纪70年代末和80年代初开始在意大利出现,但在贝卢斯科尼1993年创立的意大利力量党(Forza Italia)中表现得淋漓尽致。对政党变革的研究在很大程度上受到了奥托•基希海默(Otto Kirchheimer)开创性工作的启发,他强调了从大众政党向一种新型政党(包罗一切的政党)过渡的原因、动力和后果,这确实是战后20世纪欧洲政党政治的特征。很可能今天大多数主流政党至少在某种程度上符合基希海默的政党模式,这也要感谢它被定义为相当广泛、全面的类别这一事实。简而言之,包罗万象的党之所以出现,是因为前所未有的富裕、大众教育和媒体的范围。正如后来的作者所阐述的,它的主要组织特征包括:远离意识形态;领导核心地位;组织中央集权;缺乏官僚结构;成员和积极分子减少;通过外部来源筹措资金;利用媒体接触选民,提高政党职能的专业性。这种政党类型占主导地位的后果被一致认为是相当消极的。政党把自己表现为包罗万象的组织,主要集中于赢得尽可能多的选票,而不是履行传统的政党职能。政党制度,以前稳定的存在,根深蒂固的政党与持久的选举联系,结果成为一个混乱的竞技场,其特点是
本文章由计算机程序翻译,如有差异,请以英文原文为准。
The nature of Forza Italia and the Italian transition
As the chief political actor of the last decade, Silvio Berlusconi has seemingly introduced fundamental innovations in many fields of politics: new campaign methods, a new leadership style and language, new coalition strategies and ideological contents. All of these innovations have had a considerable impact on the party and the political system, political communication, party platforms and governmental programmes, the contents of legislative output and, arguably, also the quality of Italian democracy. Among these innovations, one in particular will be the focus of this analysis, namely, the creation of a political party exhibiting a new organisational model. Traces of this model began emerging in Italy in the late 1970s and early 1980s, but it displayed itself fully with Forza Italia, the party founded by Berlusconi in 1993. The study of party change has been largely inspired by the groundbreaking work of Otto Kirchheimer, who highlighted the reasons, dynamics and consequences of the transition from the mass party to a new type of party, the catch-all party, which has indeed characterised post-war 20th-century party politics in Europe. It is probable that most mainstream parties today would fit at least to some degree into Kirchheimer’s party model, also thanks to the fact that it has been defined with rather broad, comprehensive categories. In a nutshell, the catch-all party arises because of unprecedented affluence, mass education and the scope of the media. Its main organisational characteristics, as elaborated also by later authors, include distancing from ideology; leadership centrality; organisational centralisation; lack of bureaucratic structures; fewer members and activists; financing through external sources; use of the media to reach out to the electorate and greater professionalism of party functions. The consequences of the predominance of this party type are unanimously considered to be quite negative. Parties present themselves as catch-all organisations, which concentrate mainly on winning as many votes as possible, rather than performing traditional party functions. The party system, previously stabilised by the presence of permanent, entrenched parties with enduring electoral linkages, as a result becomes a disordered arena, characterised by
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