海盗与21世纪初尼日利亚的国家安全

Edmund Chilaka
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引用次数: 2

摘要

自1970年内战结束以来,海盗袭击远洋班轮、沿海船只和尼日利亚内河航道上的游客的事件有所增加。船艇技术和导航技术的进步、小型武器的可获得性和电信技术的发展,助长了尼日利亚海盗的狡猾,而犯罪分子的水平也从独木舟操作员和渔民发展到关系密切的毒贩、石油窃贼和石油管道破坏者。对尼日利亚国家安全的威胁不仅是经济或社会政治方面的,甚至可能是存在性的,因为石油出口产生了20%的GDP, 95%的外汇收入和65%的预算收入,在2006年遭到了武装分子的强烈抵制。不安全与石油生产之间的联系并非尼日利亚独有,而是可以用“自然资源诅咒”理论或“丰富悖论”来解释,即拥有丰富矿产资源的发展中国家表现出系统性腐败、政府结构薄弱、武装冲突和政治不稳定,在经济增长和生活水平方面落后于资源较少的国家。因此,越来越多的海盗袭击被部署,以支持尼日尔三角洲激进分子对资源控制和政治自治的煽动。尽管尼日利亚政府努力打击海盗,并与尼日利亚海事局和安全局(NIMASA)和尼日利亚海军进行了精心策划的合作,但尼日利亚目睹了在伊朗、科威特、利比亚、乍得、苏丹和安哥拉等其他类似国家常见的“资源战争”和“石油侵略”。通过对关键线人的采访、来自政府机构的信息、报纸和杂志文章以及互联网研究,我们发现公众的怀疑伴随着反盗版政策的加强。与安抚前武装分子相比,建议建立更强大的执法机构,解决长期存在的环境修复和石油泄漏受害者赔偿问题,更具有民粹主义、更公正和更未来主义的意味。综上所述,在石油资源丰富的三角洲地区和拉各斯中轴线,国际石油公司和相关利益相关者在执法力量、火力和企业社会责任方面的影响的改善,可能会缓和新千年的国家安全和海盗趋势。
本文章由计算机程序翻译,如有差异,请以英文原文为准。
Piracy and Nigeria’s National Security in the Early 21st Century
Pirate attacks against ocean liners, coastal shipping and travellers along Nigeria’s inland waterways have  increased since the end of the civil war in 1970. Advancements in boating technology and navigation,  small arms availability and telecommunications have aided the sophistication of Nigerian pirates just as the calibre of culprits has grown from canoe operators and fishermen to include well connected drug   runners, oil thieves and oil-pipeline vandals. Threats to Nigeria’s national security are not only economic or socio-political but, even possibly, existential, since oil exports, which yield 20% of GDP, 95% of foreign exchange earnings, and 65% of budgetary revenues were strongly resisted by the militants in 2006, for example. The nexus between insecurity and oil production is not peculiar to Nigeria but can be explained by the “natural resource curse” thesis or the “paradox of plenty” whereby developing countries  with abundant mineral resources exhibit systemic corruption, weak government structures, armed conflict and political instability and lag behind in economic growth and living standards than countries with fewer resources. Thus, increased pirate attacks were deployed to back up agitations for resource control  and political autonomy by Niger Delta activists. Despite the Government’s antipiracy efforts and  orchestrated collaborations between the Nigerian Maritime Administration and Safety Agency (NIMASA) and the Nigerian Navy, Nigeria witnessed the “resource war” and “petro-aggression” common in other similarly afflicted countries like Iran, Kuwait, Libya, Chad, Sudan and Angola. Using key informant  interviews, information from government agencies, newspapers and magazine articles, in addition to internet research, we found that public scepticism trailed heightened antipiracy policymaking. The recommendations to build stronger law enforcement institutions and address longstanding issues of remediation to the environment and compensation for victims of oil spillage were found to be more populist, more just and futuristic than appeasement of ex-militants. In conclusion, national security and the trend of piracy in the new millennium are likely to be moderated by improvements in law enforcement presence, firepower and the impact of corporate social responsibility by IOCs and associated  stakeholders in the oil-rich delta region and the Lagos axis.
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