{"title":"南亚的优惠贸易","authors":"Tercan Baysan, A. Panagariya, N. Pitigala","doi":"10.1596/1813-9450-3813","DOIUrl":null,"url":null,"abstract":"This paper examines the economic case for the South Asia Free Trade Area (SAFTA) Agreement signed on January 6 th, 2004 by India, Pakistan, Bangladesh, Sri Lanka, Nepal, Bhutan, and the Maldives. It starts with a detailed analysis of the preferential trading arrangements in South Asia to look at the region's experience to date and to draw lessons. Specifically, the study examines the most effective free trade area in existence, i.e., the India-Sri Lanka Free Trade Area, and evaluates the developments under the South Asian Preferential Trade Area (SAPTA). The paper concludes that, considered in isolation, the economic case for SAFTA is quite weak. When compared with the rest of the world, the region is tiny both in terms of economic size as measured by GDP (and per capita incomes) and the share in the world trade. It is argued that prima facie, these facts make it likely that trade diversion would be dominant as a result of SAFTA. This point is reinforced by the presence of high levels of protection in the region and the tendency of the member countries to establish highly restrictive 'sectoral exceptions/sensitive lists' and stringent 'rules of origin'. We argue that SAFTA makes sense only in the context of a much broader strategy of creating a larger preferential trade area in the region that specifically would encompass China and the member nations of the Association of South East Asian Nations. In turn, the case for the latter is strategic: the pursuit of regionalism in the Americas and Europe has created increasing discrimination against Asian exports to those regions, which must inevitably impact the region's terms of trade adversely. An Asian bloc could be a potential instrument of changing incentives for the trade blocs in the Americas and Europe and forcing multilateral freeing of trade. Assuming that the SAFTA Agreement is here to stay, the paper also suggests steps to ensure that the Agreement can be made more effective in promoting intra-regional trade, while minimizing the likely trade-diversion costs and maximizing the potential benefits.","PeriodicalId":280355,"journal":{"name":"World Bank: Transition Economies (Topic)","volume":"58 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0000,"publicationDate":"2006-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":"93","resultStr":"{\"title\":\"Preferential Trading in South Asia\",\"authors\":\"Tercan Baysan, A. Panagariya, N. 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引用次数: 93
摘要
本文考察了2004年1月6日由印度、巴基斯坦、孟加拉国、斯里兰卡、尼泊尔、不丹和马尔代夫签署的南亚自由贸易区(SAFTA)协定的经济案例。报告首先详细分析了南亚的优惠贸易安排,以研究该区域迄今的经验并吸取教训。具体而言,本研究审查了现存最有效的自由贸易区,即印度-斯里兰卡自由贸易区,并评价了南亚优惠贸易区的发展情况。本文的结论是,孤立地考虑,南亚自由贸易区的经济理由相当薄弱。与世界其他地区相比,该地区的经济规模(以GDP(和人均收入)衡量)和在世界贸易中的份额都很小。有人认为,从表面上看,这些事实表明,由于南亚自由贸易区,贸易转移很可能占主导地位。该地区存在高水平的保护,成员国倾向于建立高度限制性的“部门例外/敏感清单”和严格的“原产地规则”,这一点得到了加强。我们认为,南亚自由贸易区只有在更广泛的战略背景下才有意义,即在该地区建立一个更大的优惠贸易区,特别是将中国和东南亚国家联盟(Association of southeast Asian nations)成员国包括在内。反过来,后者的理由是战略性的:美洲和欧洲对区域主义的追求造成了对亚洲向这些区域出口的日益歧视,这必然会对该区域的贸易条件产生不利影响。亚洲集团可能成为改变美洲和欧洲贸易集团的激励机制、推动多边贸易自由化的潜在工具。假设《南亚自由贸易区协定》继续存在,本文还建议采取措施,确保该协定能够更有效地促进区域内贸易,同时尽量减少可能的贸易转移成本,并使潜在利益最大化。
This paper examines the economic case for the South Asia Free Trade Area (SAFTA) Agreement signed on January 6 th, 2004 by India, Pakistan, Bangladesh, Sri Lanka, Nepal, Bhutan, and the Maldives. It starts with a detailed analysis of the preferential trading arrangements in South Asia to look at the region's experience to date and to draw lessons. Specifically, the study examines the most effective free trade area in existence, i.e., the India-Sri Lanka Free Trade Area, and evaluates the developments under the South Asian Preferential Trade Area (SAPTA). The paper concludes that, considered in isolation, the economic case for SAFTA is quite weak. When compared with the rest of the world, the region is tiny both in terms of economic size as measured by GDP (and per capita incomes) and the share in the world trade. It is argued that prima facie, these facts make it likely that trade diversion would be dominant as a result of SAFTA. This point is reinforced by the presence of high levels of protection in the region and the tendency of the member countries to establish highly restrictive 'sectoral exceptions/sensitive lists' and stringent 'rules of origin'. We argue that SAFTA makes sense only in the context of a much broader strategy of creating a larger preferential trade area in the region that specifically would encompass China and the member nations of the Association of South East Asian Nations. In turn, the case for the latter is strategic: the pursuit of regionalism in the Americas and Europe has created increasing discrimination against Asian exports to those regions, which must inevitably impact the region's terms of trade adversely. An Asian bloc could be a potential instrument of changing incentives for the trade blocs in the Americas and Europe and forcing multilateral freeing of trade. Assuming that the SAFTA Agreement is here to stay, the paper also suggests steps to ensure that the Agreement can be made more effective in promoting intra-regional trade, while minimizing the likely trade-diversion costs and maximizing the potential benefits.