谁游说谁?日本官僚与政治家的选举制度与有组织利益选择

Megumi Naoi, E. Krauss
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引用次数: 0

摘要

利益集团如何选择不同的游说场所来影响政策?为什么一些利益集团游说政客,另一些游说官僚?现有的方法将游说视为有组织的利益集团试图影响政策的单方面行动,与之相反,我们将游说理论化为有组织的利益集团努力与政策制定者、政治家或官僚形成并执行合同。我们认为,利益集团的组织结构在很大程度上影响了他们对游说策略的选择,因为他们有不同的能力来监督和执行与决策者的合同,并在他们失败时惩罚他们。具体来说,我们证明了组织结构是集中式的还是分散式的,即使在控制了组织资源、问题领域和部门之后,他们在游说政治家和官僚的决定中也有很大的差异。我们进一步认为,多数制和比例制等选举制度的类型会影响各种监督和惩罚工具(选票、政治资金和候选人支持)的有效性,从而影响利益集团游说政治家或官僚的选择。我们以一个主要民主国家日本为例来检验这些论点,该国家最近经历了从SNTV到MMM制度的选举改革,但没有发生重大的党派变化。我们对游说使用了一种独特的纵向调查数据,跨度20年(1980年、1994年、2003年),涵盖了大约250个有组织的利益集团,涵盖了各个部门和问题领域。研究结果有力地支持了我们的组织结构理论以及选举改革对利益集团游说策略选择的影响。
本文章由计算机程序翻译,如有差异,请以英文原文为准。
Who Lobbies Whom? Electoral Systems and Organized Interests' Choice of Bureaucrats vs. Politicians in Japan
How do interest groups choose across different venues of lobbying to influence policy? Why do some interest groups lobby politicians and others lobby bureaucrats? In contrast to the existing approaches that view lobbying as one-sided action by organized interest in an effort to influence a policy, we theorize lobbying as an organized interests' effort to form and enforce a contract with policy-makers, politicians or bureaucrats. We argue that organizational structures of interest groups substantially affect their choice of lobbying strategies because they are associated with different ability to monitor and enforce contracts with policy-makers and punish them when they fail. Specifically, we demonstrate that whether organizational structures are centralized or decentralized accounts for a good part of the variations in their decisions to lobby politicians versus bureaucrats even after controlling for organization resources, issue areas, and sectors. The types of electoral system such as majoritarian and proportional, we further argue, affect the effectiveness of various instruments of monitoring and punishment (votes, political funds, and candidate endorsement) and hence interest groups' choice to lobby politicians or bureaucrats. We test these arguments with the case of a major democracy which recently went through an electoral reform from SNTV to MMM system without major partisan change, Japan. We use a unique longitudinal survey data on lobbying which spans two decades (1980, 1994, 2003), covers around 250 organized interest groups that encompasses various sectors and issue areas. The results lend strong support to our organizational structure argument and the effect of electoral reform on interest groups' choice of lobbying tactics.
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