{"title":"这是对未来的教训还是对主权的威胁?","authors":"Admir Skodo","doi":"10.7765/9781526146847.00010","DOIUrl":null,"url":null,"abstract":"Following the entry of 162,877 asylum seekers in 2015, Sweden introduced border controls in November of that year. These were followed by new laws in 2015–2016 that curtailed the possibility of being granted permanent residence, family reunification, and the social rights of asylum seekers. Such measures were necessary, according to the Swedish government, because the large number of entries triggered a refugee crisis. These were far-reaching changes in a country that has long prided itself on welcoming asylum seekers. But, far from threatening Swedish state sovereignty, as the Swedish national government and mainstream media claimed, I show that this perceived crisis has both justified, asserted, and extended it by recourse to national and international law on the one hand, and an associative chain link between asylum seekers, illegal immigration, terrorism, and crisis, on the other. At the same time, I reveal how the perceived crisis has exposed rifts between different levels of Swedish governance, where the municipalities, in particular, have opposed the national government’s portrayal of 2015 as a fundamental threat to Swedish sovereignty and domestic governance. Indeed, the municipalities sought to portray 2015 as a difficult but valuable lesson for scaling up services and capabilities to help people fleeing persecution. In this chapter, I problematize this dynamic primarily by analysing an official government report (Statens Offentliga Utredningar) on the refugee crisis. My analysis additionally rests on news articles and interviews I conducted in 2017 with a Swedish Migration Agency Executive Officer and a local civil servant in the southeast of Sweden. The report, published in 2017, is entitled ‘Att ta emot människor på flykt: Sverige hösten 2015’ (‘Receiving Refugees: Sweden during the Fall of 2015’ – hereafter ‘Receiving Refugees’), and is the final product of a Swedish government commission formed in 2016. The government directed the commission to describe the sequence of events that comprise the refugee crisis on the one hand, and to map how the national government, national state agencies, counties, municipalities, and civil society organizations managed it, on the other. 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These were far-reaching changes in a country that has long prided itself on welcoming asylum seekers. But, far from threatening Swedish state sovereignty, as the Swedish national government and mainstream media claimed, I show that this perceived crisis has both justified, asserted, and extended it by recourse to national and international law on the one hand, and an associative chain link between asylum seekers, illegal immigration, terrorism, and crisis, on the other. At the same time, I reveal how the perceived crisis has exposed rifts between different levels of Swedish governance, where the municipalities, in particular, have opposed the national government’s portrayal of 2015 as a fundamental threat to Swedish sovereignty and domestic governance. Indeed, the municipalities sought to portray 2015 as a difficult but valuable lesson for scaling up services and capabilities to help people fleeing persecution. 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引用次数: 1
摘要
在2015年有162877名寻求庇护者入境后,瑞典于当年11月实施了边境管制。2015年至2016年,新的法律限制了寻求庇护者获得永久居留权、家庭团聚和社会权利的可能性。瑞典政府表示,这些措施是必要的,因为大量入境引发了难民危机。对于一个长期以欢迎寻求庇护者为荣的国家来说,这些都是影响深远的变化。但是,与瑞典国家政府和主流媒体声称的威胁瑞典国家主权相反,我表明,这种感知到的危机一方面是通过诉诸国家和国际法来证明、断言和扩展它,另一方面是寻求庇护者、非法移民、恐怖主义和危机之间的联系链。与此同时,我还揭示了这场被认为是危机的危机是如何暴露出瑞典不同级别治理之间的分歧的,尤其是市政当局,他们反对中央政府将2015年描述为对瑞典主权和国内治理的根本威胁。事实上,市政当局试图将2015年描绘成一个艰难但有价值的教训,以扩大服务和能力,帮助人们逃离迫害。在本章中,我主要通过分析一份关于难民危机的官方政府报告(Statens Offentliga Utredningar)来质疑这种动态。我的分析还基于我在2017年对瑞典移民局执行官员和瑞典东南部当地公务员进行的新闻文章和采访。该报告于2017年发布,题为“Att ta emot människor ppvflykt: Sverige hösten 2015”(“接收难民:2015年秋季的瑞典”-以下简称“接收难民”),是2016年成立的瑞典政府委员会的最终成果。政府指示委员会一方面描述构成难民危机的事件顺序,另一方面描绘国家政府、国家机构、县、市和民间社会组织如何管理难民危机。古德伦·安特玛尔,斯科多将军
Following the entry of 162,877 asylum seekers in 2015, Sweden introduced border controls in November of that year. These were followed by new laws in 2015–2016 that curtailed the possibility of being granted permanent residence, family reunification, and the social rights of asylum seekers. Such measures were necessary, according to the Swedish government, because the large number of entries triggered a refugee crisis. These were far-reaching changes in a country that has long prided itself on welcoming asylum seekers. But, far from threatening Swedish state sovereignty, as the Swedish national government and mainstream media claimed, I show that this perceived crisis has both justified, asserted, and extended it by recourse to national and international law on the one hand, and an associative chain link between asylum seekers, illegal immigration, terrorism, and crisis, on the other. At the same time, I reveal how the perceived crisis has exposed rifts between different levels of Swedish governance, where the municipalities, in particular, have opposed the national government’s portrayal of 2015 as a fundamental threat to Swedish sovereignty and domestic governance. Indeed, the municipalities sought to portray 2015 as a difficult but valuable lesson for scaling up services and capabilities to help people fleeing persecution. In this chapter, I problematize this dynamic primarily by analysing an official government report (Statens Offentliga Utredningar) on the refugee crisis. My analysis additionally rests on news articles and interviews I conducted in 2017 with a Swedish Migration Agency Executive Officer and a local civil servant in the southeast of Sweden. The report, published in 2017, is entitled ‘Att ta emot människor på flykt: Sverige hösten 2015’ (‘Receiving Refugees: Sweden during the Fall of 2015’ – hereafter ‘Receiving Refugees’), and is the final product of a Swedish government commission formed in 2016. The government directed the commission to describe the sequence of events that comprise the refugee crisis on the one hand, and to map how the national government, national state agencies, counties, municipalities, and civil society organizations managed it, on the other. Gudrun Antemar, Admir Skodo