Terezín和Jasenovac数量Gedenkstätten 1989年前后

Ljiljana Radonić
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引用次数: 0

摘要

: Terezín于1947年改为纪念地点。与1945年被Ustaša摧毁的克罗地亚雅塞诺瓦茨集中营不同,捷克集中营在战争结束时基本上没有受到影响。在20世纪60年代的自由实现阶段,捷克斯洛伐克当局开始计划在Terezín建立一个犹太人区博物馆,专门用于纪念大屠杀,在此之前,大屠杀一直被边缘化。与此同时,南斯拉夫共产党批准在亚塞诺瓦茨建造纪念馆和博物馆。本研究探讨了这两个记忆地点自成立以来是否在过去的共产主义叙事中发挥了相当的作用,并考察了这两个博物馆现在在后共产主义时代的新国家叙事中发挥的作用。犹太区博物馆于1991年在Terezín成立,目前的常设展览于2001年开幕。目前的展览于2006年在亚塞诺瓦茨纪念博物馆开幕,当时克罗地亚加入欧盟的谈判陷入停滞。这一时机让研究人员对这两个机构在加入欧盟之前在各自国家所扮演的角色提出了质疑,也就是说,这些展览是否被理解为“通往欧洲的马车”——正如一位克罗地亚记者曾经说过的那样——是该国“欧洲性”的证明?此外,还审查了博物馆如何对待不同的犯罪者,一方面是自己管理集中营的Ustaša,另一方面是保护国政府的成员和守卫Terezín贫民窟的宪兵,以关注受害者。
本文章由计算机程序翻译,如有差异,请以英文原文为准。
Terezín und Jasenovac – Umkämpfte Gedenkstätten vor und nach 1989
: Terezín was turned into a memorial site in 1947. Unlike the Jasenovac concentration camp in Croatia that was destroyed by the Ustaša in 1945, the Czech concentration camp was largely untouched by the end of the war. During the libe-ralization phase of the 1960s, Czechoslovak authorities began planning a ghetto museum in Terezín to be dedicated to the Holocaust, which had until that time been marginalized. At the same time, the Yugoslav Communist Party authorized the construction of a memorial and museum in Jasenovac. This study explores whether the two sites of memory have played a comparable role in the communist narrative of the past since their establishment and examines the role the two museums now play in new national narratives of the post-communist era. The Ghetto Museum was established in Terezín in 1991, its current permanent exhibition opened in 2001. The current exhibition opened at the Jasenovac Memorial Museum in 2006, when Croatian EU accession talks were stagnating. The timing gives cause for the study to question the part the two institutions played in the respective country before joining the EU, that is, were the exhibitions understood as a “dray horse towards Europe”—as one Croatian journalist once put it—, as proof of the countries “Europeaness”? In addition, the museums’ treatment of different perpetrators, on the one hand, the Ustaša, who ran the camp on their own, and on the other, the members of the protectorate government and the gen-darmes who guarded the ghetto in Terezín, is examined in regard to their focus on the victims.
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