多中心系统中治理结构的演化

E. McPhail, Vlad Tarko
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引用次数: 20

摘要

蒂布特竞争模型经常因其不切实际的假设而受到批评。我们开发了一个不完美的Tiebout竞争模型,在这个模型中,家庭没有关于其他司法管辖区的信息(移动决策是盲目的),而当地司法管辖区就像收入最大化的利维坦一样运作。我们表明,即使在如此苛刻的假设下,司法管辖区也不会在不提高公共服务质量的情况下增加税收。该模型还为理解各种可能的恶性循环打开了大门,例如,由于要素价格冲击、合作生产问题和基于收入的分类。我们还表明,一般来说,该模型不会导致最优同意计算,这为概念化哪些宪法规则倾向于限制系统在所有公共问题上向最优集中化或分散化发展提供了可能性。最后但并非最不重要的是,由于该模型涉及正移动成本,我们解释了声音的起源,作为退出的另一种选择。当人们不参与退出时,要么是因为他们仍然对公共服务的改善抱有希望,要么是因为他们没有资源来移动,他们会增加对其他活动的参与,如声音和合作制作。
本文章由计算机程序翻译,如有差异,请以英文原文为准。
The Evolution of Governance Structures in a Polycentric System
The Tiebout competition model is often criticized for its unrealistic assumptions. We develop an imperfect Tiebout competition model in which households have no information about other jurisdictions (moving decisions are blind), and local jurisdictions operate as revenue-maximizing Leviathans. We show that, even under such harsh assumptions, jurisdictions will not increase taxes without also increasing the quality of their public services. The model also opens the door for understanding various possible vicious spirals, e.g. as a result of factor prices shocks, co-production problems, and income-based sorting. We also show that, in general, the model does not lead to the calculus of consent optimum, which opens the possibility for conceptualizing which constitutional rules would tend to constrain the system to evolve towards optimum levels of centralization or decentralization across all public issues. Last but not least, because the model involves positive moving costs, we explain the origins of voice, as an alternative to exit. When people do not engage in exit, either because they still hold up hope that public services will improve or because they do not have the resources to move, they increase their involvement in other activities such as voice and co-production.
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