动员律师:菲格罗亚走廊的社区经济发展

Scott L. Cummings
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引用次数: 19

摘要

社区经济发展(CED)作为一个独特的诉讼领域的出现,突出了后管制状态下社区动员的复杂性。CED的定义是一系列促进社区振兴的社会政策和基层实践,它与一种事务性的公益律师模式有关,其重点是在社区非营利组织、公共资助者和私人投资者之间就交易进行谈判。传统上,公益律师寻求动员法律权利的主张来推进系统改革,而环境保护律师则试图通过创造创新的制度结构来动员社区参与来改变当地的经济环境。然而,经济发展战略并没有彻底消除动员的障碍;相反,它带来了一系列不同的机会和限制。例如,CED与广泛的社会运动没有联系。相反,它是狭隘的,寻求保持社区边界和增加社区对资源的控制。此外,虽然经济发展委员会为社区持续参与地方治理建立了法律机制,但它是通过设计与政府和商业精英的伙伴关系来实现这一目标的,这种伙伴关系可以抑制寻求国家实践改革或增加私营部门机构资源的政治对抗。出于这个原因,CED的做法不是抗议和破坏。《CED》也不是为了挑战现有的游戏规则;相反,它寻求在现行法律框架内建立伙伴关系和分配资源。作为一种制度设计技术,它扩展了社区、市场和国家之间的契约关系,因此,CED促进了一种动员形式,这种动员倾向于不强调对抗性组织,而倾向于与商业和政府伙伴合作。然而,在基层,最近有一些重要的例子表明,CED内部的社区动员偏离了合作模式。特别是,在洛杉矶出现的“负责任的发展”运动——社区劳工联盟迫使公共补贴的开发商达成一系列协议,为低收入社区提供福利——将注意力集中在更具对抗性的集体行动形式上,这些行动源自社区组织和社会运动激进主义的传统。本文利用问责发展的出现,重新审视事业律师和社区动员之间的关系。本文首先将CED的出现描述为一种非对抗性的诉讼模式,并将其置于20世纪60年代和70年代对社会运动和法律权利策略的反应的背景下。根据社会运动理论的见解,分析了协同CED对低收入社区集体行动的限制。以下是洛杉矶负责任发展的案例研究,揭示了CED的另一种方法,即动员对抗性组织来获取开发商的让步和政府改革。报告最后分析了问责发展背景下的原因律师工作,提出了传统的可持续发展实践的连续性,同时强调了问责发展中更具对抗性的方法如何重塑了律师的作用。
本文章由计算机程序翻译,如有差异,请以英文原文为准。
Mobilization Lawyering: Community Economic Development in the Figueroa Corridor
The emergence of Community Economic Development (CED) as a distinct field of cause lawyering highlights the complexities of community mobilization in the post-regulatory state. Defined by a set of social policies and grassroots practices that promote neighborhood revitalization, CED is associated with a transactional model of cause lawyering focused on negotiating deals between community-based nonprofit organizations, public funders, and private investors. Whereas cause lawyers have traditionally sought to mobilize claims of legal rights to advance systemic reform, CED lawyers attempt to mobilize community participation to change local economic circumstances through the creation of innovative institutional structures. However, CED does not neatly remove barriers to mobilization; rather it presents a different set of opportunities and constraints. For instance, CED is not connected with broad-based social movements. Instead, it is parochial, seeking to preserve community boundaries and increase community control of resources. Moreover, while CED establishes legal mechanisms for ongoing community participation in local governance, it does so through the design of partnerships with government and business elites that create disincentives for political confrontation seeking reforms in state practice or increased resources from private sector institutions. For this reason, the modus operandi of CED practice is not one of protest and disruption. Nor is CED designed to challenge the existing rules of the game; rather, it seeks to build partnerships and distribute resources within the framework of the law as constituted. As a technique of institutional design that extends contractual relationships between the community, the market, and the state, CED therefore fosters a version of mobilization that tends to de-emphasize adversarial organizing in favor of collaboration with business and governmental partners. At the grassroots level, however, there are important recent examples of community mobilization within CED that depart from the collaborative model. In particular, the emergence of an "accountable development" movement in Los Angeles - where community-labor coalitions have pressured publicly subsidized developers into a series of agreements to provide benefits to low-income communities - has focused attention on more confrontational forms of collective action, flowing out of the traditions of community organizing and social movement activism. This essay uses the advent of accountable development to re-examine the relationship between cause lawyering and community mobilization. It begins by describing the emergence of CED as a nonadversarial cause lawyering model, situating it within the context of the reaction against the social movements and legal rights strategies of the 1960s and 1970s. Drawing upon insights from social movement theory, it then analyzes the constraints that collaborative CED can impose on collective action by low-income communities. A case study of accountable development in Los Angeles follows, revealing an alternative approach to CED that mobilizes adversarial organizing to extract developer concessions and governmental reforms. It concludes with an analysis of cause lawyering in the accountable development context, suggesting continuities with conventional CED practice, while highlighting the ways in which the more confrontational approach of accountable development reshapes the lawyering role.
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