欧亚大陆有争议的民族认同和脆弱的国家结构

Douglas W. Blum
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引用次数: 4

摘要

自苏联成立以来,许多继承国一直受到种族暴力、犯罪、贩运武器、毒品和人口、恐怖主义、贫困、污染和移民等问题的困扰大多数国家还面临着合法性和意识形态漂移等更深层次的问题。在很大程度上,这些病态可以追溯到整个苏联世界观的非合法性,以及缺乏任何可行的替代品。后苏联地缘政治空间中存在的体制真空既助长了这些问题,又阻碍了这些问题的成功解决。后苏联国家被迫通过建立基本的治理和行政机构来重建自己。与此同时,他们面临的巨大合法性问题要求他们沿着包容性/公民或排他性/种族的路线进行国家建设。此外,后苏联时代的转型是在全球化背景下进行的,其特点是经济相互依存、技术发展和扩散加剧。因此,一个关键的问题是,国家——在这里用传统的韦伯术语来理解——如何应对这些挑战,以及它在巩固自身主权的同时实现发展和政治目标的能力的结果是什么。关于全球化和国家的文献通常从功能的角度来解决这个问题,考虑到中央集权国家单独管理其责任的能力。这方面的近期作品分析了作为国家对全球化反应的一部分的主权权力的“讨价还价”、“重新配置”和“委托”的复杂模式。人们较少关注国家在促进和捍卫受青睐的民族认同的再生产方面所起的作用。这种分析性的冷漠令人费解,因为国家认同的构建对于内部组织和凝聚力以及与外部行为者的关系至关重要。因此,身份的持续复制对于维持群体边界或Fredrik的“自我-他者联系”至关重要
本文章由计算机程序翻译,如有差异,请以英文原文为准。
Contested national identities and weak state structures in Eurasia
Since their very inception, many of the Soviet successor states have been beset by ethnic violence, crime, trafficking – in arms, drugs and people – terrorism, poverty, pollution and migration.1 Most have also faced deeper problems of legitimacy and ideological drift. To a significant extent these pathologies can be traced back to the delegitimisation of the entire Soviet world view, and the lack of any viable replacement. The existence of an institutional vacuum in the post-Soviet geopolitical space has both contributed to such problems and impeded their successful resolution. The post-Soviet states have been forced to rebuild themselves by establishing basic institutions of governance and administration. At the same time the massive legitimacy problems they face call for nation building, along either inclusive/ civic or exclusive/ethnic lines. Moreover, the post-Soviet transition is further complicated by its taking place in the context of globalisation and as such is marked by heightened economic interdependence, technology development and diffusion. A critical question, then, is how the state – understood here in traditional Weberian terms – responds to such challenges, and what the results are for its ability to achieve developmental and political goals while consolidating its own sovereignty. The literature on globalisation and the state has generally addressed this question from a functional standpoint, considering the competence of centralised states to manage their responsibilities alone. Recent works in this vein have analysed the complex pattern of ‘bargains’, ‘reconfigurations’ and ‘delegations’ of sovereign authority as part of the state’s response to globalisation. Less attention has been paid to the role of the state in promoting and defending the reproduction of a favoured national identity. This analytical indifference is puzzling, inasmuch as constructions of national identity are crucial for internal organisation and cohesion as well as for relations with external actors. Consequently the ongoing reproduction of identity is essential for maintaining group boundaries, or the ‘self-Other nexus’ in Fredrik
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