蓝色改革的解雇通知书:选择、经验还是意识形态是民粹主义者生存的灵丹妙药?

Sirus H. Dehdari, Konstantinos Matakos, Jaakko Meriläinen, Janne Tukiainen
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引用次数: 1

摘要

为什么一些民粹主义政党兴旺发达,而另一些则失败或分裂?民粹主义者在与主流政党组成联合政府的同时,是否有可能保持反建制的性质?我们研究了民粹主义的芬兰人党,该党在成为联合政府的一部分时分裂了。分裂的蓝色改革党保留了其在政府中的地位和大多数有经验的政治人员,但在下一次选举中失败,而残余党仍然受欢迎。利用关于选举候选人和选民的丰富数据,我们探索了民粹主义政党在选举中持续存在的各种潜在驱动因素:候选人质量、选择、办公室福利和意识形态动机。我们的研究结果表明,与选民的意识形态接近以及他们对描述性代表的需求是民粹主义政党选举成功的关键。这对民粹主义者进入政府的政治和政策后果产生了影响。特别是,我们的工作强调,意识形态温和派的选举回报是有限的,政治经验和办公室的好处本身并不能保证民粹主义者的生存。
本文章由计算机程序翻译,如有差异,请以英文原文为准。
A Pink Slip for the Blue Reform: Is Selection, Experience, or Ideology the Elixir of Populists’ Survival?
Why do some populist parties thrive while others fail or split? Is it possible for populists to maintain anti-establishment nature while being in a coalition with the mainstream parties? We study the populist Finns Party that split while being part of a coalition government. The splinter party Blue Reform retained its part in government and most of the experienced political personnel, yet it failed in the next election while the rump party remained popular. Leveraging rich data on electoral candidates and voters, we explore various potential drivers of the electoral persistence of populist parties: candidate quality, selection, office perks, and ideological motivations. Our results indicate that ideological proximity with voters and their demand for descriptive representation are keys for the electoral success of populist parties. This has implications for the political and policy consequences of including populists in government. In particular, our work highlights that there are limits on the electoral returns to ideological moderation, and that political experience and the perks of office alone do not guarantee populists’ survival.
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