工会和最低工资

M. Dimick, Brett Meyer
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摘要

为什么工会和左翼/劳工政党支持法定最低工资在一些国家,如美国,但反对它在其他国家,如丹麦或瑞典?本文提出了工会对法定最低工资的偏好的正式模型。一方面,最低工资可以通过增加工会的退让地位和增加非工会竞争企业的劳动力成本来提高高于最低谈判工资的水平。另一方面,最低工资也存在一定的危险:它可能(1)使工资高于或低于工会所希望的水平,(2)在短期内降低工人加入工会的动机,(3)破坏长期维持工会成员资格的社会习俗。由于这些原因,我们预测工会和左翼/工党只有在工会太弱的情况下才会支持法定最低工资——当工会与较小比例的公司谈判时,当工会在法律上被限制参与某些罢工行动时,当工资谈判不太协调时——以维持他们自己的高工资。从经验上看,我们记录了模型中几个关键变量与最低工资设定机构类型之间的强大的跨国相关性,并通过对美国、英国、德国和瑞典的工会偏好以及英国和德国的政党偏好的案例研究来说明模型的机制。
本文章由计算机程序翻译,如有差异,请以英文原文为准。
Trade Unions and the Minimum Wage
Why do labor unions and left/labor parties support the statutory minimum wage in some countries, such as the United States, but oppose it in others, such as Denmark or Sweden? This paper presents a formal model of trade union preferences for the statutory minimum wage. On the one hand, the minimum wage can raise above-minimum negotiated wages by increasing the union’s fallback position and increasing the labor costs of nonunion competitor firms. On the other hand, the minimum wage presents certain dangers: it may (1) set wages higher or lower than unions prefer, (2) reduce the incentives of workers to join unions in the short term, and (3) undermine the social custom that sustains union membership in the long term. For these reasons, we predict that unions and left/labor parties will support a statutory minimum wage only when unions are too weak — when unions bargain with a smaller share of firms, when they are legally restricted from engaging in certain strike actions, and wage bargaining is less coordinated — to sustain high wages on their own. Empirically, we document a robust, cross-national correlation between several of the key variables in our model and the type of minimum wage setting institution and illustrate the model’s mechanisms using case studies of union preferences in the US, UK, Germany, and Sweden and party preferences in the UK and Germany.
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