马杜罗债券

G. Mitu Gulati, Ugo Panizza
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引用次数: 3

摘要

几十年来,活动人士一直在寻求建立一种国际法律制度,限制专制政府借钱的能力,然后将这些义务转移给更民主的继任政府。本章的目标是提出另一种法律途径的可能性,以提高专制政权的借贷成本。所有国家都有规范代理关系并试图阻止腐败的国内法制度;否则,国内经济将无法运转。专制政府尤其有可能从事在法律上有问题的交易,因为根据定义,它们缺乏民众的支持;这意味着他们代表民众采取的行动很可能会被质疑为不具代表性,与真正的委托人的利益背道而驰。如果将上述条件翻译为普通委托代理关系的背景,那么在大多数现代法律制度中,这些条件将构成可撤销交易。这意味着,如果当今专制政府国家的反对党根据本国法律监督并公布专制统治者发行债券的潜在问题,这将提高这些独裁者的资本成本。为了支持我们的论点,我们使用了委内瑞拉马杜罗政府的债务发行诡计的具体例子,以及对腐败,民主和国家借贷成本之间关系的更一般的分析。
本文章由计算机程序翻译,如有差异,请以英文原文为准。
Maduro Bonds
For multiple decades, activists have sought to institute an international legal regime that limits the ability of despotic governments to borrow money and then shift those obligations onto more democratic successor governments. The goal of this chapter is to raise the possibility of an alternate legal path to raising the costs of borrowing for despotic regimes. All countries have systems of domestic laws that regulate agency relationships and try to deter corruption; otherwise the domestic economy would not function. Despotic governments are especially likely to engage in transactions that are legally problematic, since by definition, they lack the support of the populace; meaning that there is a high likelihood that actions that they take on behalf of the populace can be challenged as unrepresentative and contrary to the interests of the true principals. The foregoing conditions, if one translates them into the context of an ordinary principal–agent relationship, would constitute a voidable transaction in most modern legal systems. That means that if opposition parties in countries with despotic governments today were to monitor and make public the potential problems with debt issuances by their despotic rulers under their own local laws, it would raise the cost of capital for those despots. To support our argument, we use both the concrete example of the debt issuance shenanigans of the Maduro government in Venezuela and a more general analysis of the relationship between corruption, democracy, and a nation’s borrowing costs.
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