J. Banasiak
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摘要

本文考察了波兰艺术家联盟在1980-1981年共产主义波兰复杂转型中的参与情况。这是波兰艺术史上最神秘的现象之一。这一时期的主要方法假设在“团结”运动起义之前,波兰艺术家联盟完全依赖共产主义当局。1980年8月以后,苏联成为一个理想主义的反共组织。下面的文章将这种史学叙事视为“极权主义模式”的一个例子。这是一种基于简单的二元视角的模式,即共产主义制度是“无辜的”社会与“压迫的”、无所不能的当局之间不断斗争的领域。本文的分析采用了社会历史的视角(Sheila Fitzpatrick et al.)。从这个角度来看,共产主义被视为一群活跃的、有因果关系的社会行动者(团体和个人)的复杂纠结,他们可以参与政治,但也可能不参与。其中一个演员是波兰艺术家联盟。根据各种来源,我展示了1980年8月之后,欧盟如何试图采取最佳的政治立场。为了研究这个问题,我使用了两种政治心态,这两种心态在当时的党内占主导地位,在“团结”和在联盟中也占主导地位。一种被称为“基本”,从道德、尊严等方面对待政治。另一种被称为“务实”,专注于制度博弈,同时也允许妥协或让步。为了追踪从1980年8月到戒严令宣布(1981年12月)期间工会如何运作的动态,我将团结工会革命分为三个阶段:1980年9月至12月,1981年1月至7月和1981年9月至12月。对工会文件、艺术杂志和党的文件(包括官方和内部文件)的分析表明,在第一阶段之后,波兰艺术家工会准备加入新的权力结构,基于团结工会和波兰统一工人党协议。根据David Ost的理论,我将这个项目定义为艺术系统中国家社会主义的“新社团主义”模式。
本文章由计算机程序翻译,如有差异,请以英文原文为准。
„Pozycja prawie idealna”. Związek Polskich Artystów Plastyków wobec przemian politycznych, kryzysu gospodarczego i napięć środowiskowych w latach 1980–1981
This paper examines the participation of the Polish Artists' Union in the complex transformation of communist Poland in 1980–1981 . It is one of the most mythologized phenomena in Polish art history. The main approach to this period assumes that before the of “Solidarity” movement uprising, the Polish Artists' Union was totally dependent on the communist authorities. Then, after August 1980, the Union was to become idealistic, anti-communist organization. The following paper recognizes this kind of historiographical narrative as an example of the 'totalitarian model'. It is a model based on a simple, binary vision of the communist system as a field of permanent struggle between “innocent” society and “oppressive”, omnipotent authorities. The  analysis presented here uses the perspective of social history (Sheila Fitzpatrick et al.). From this perspective, communism is viewed as a complex tangle of active, causative social actors (groups and individuals), who could be politically engaged, but may not be. One of those actors was the Polish Artists' Union. Based on various kinds of sources, I show how the Union tried to take the optimal political position after August 1980. To examine this issue I use two types of political mentality, which dominated in those days in the Party, in “Solidarity”, and also in the Union. One is termed “fundamental”, and treats politics in terms of morality, dignity, and so on. The other is called “pragmatic”, and is focused on institutional games, while also allowing compromises or concessions. To track the dynamics of how the Union functioned from August 1980 until martial law was declared (in December 1981), I introduce a division into three phases of the Solidarity revolution: September-December 1980, January-July 1981, and September-December 1981. An analysis of the Union's documents, art magazines, and Party's documents (both official and internal), shows that after the first phase, the Polish Artists' Union was ready to join  the new configuration of power, based on Solidarity and the Polish United Workers' Party agreement. According to David Ost's theory, I define this project as a “neo-corporatist” model of the state socialism in the art system.    
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