特朗普的胜利有多令人惊讶?2016年美国总统大选预测笔记

Fred A. Wright, A. Wright
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引用次数: 0

摘要

2016年美国总统大选的结果出乎许多民意调查观察人士的意料,表明对主要政党候选人的估计支持率可能存在偏见,并对民意调查汇总作为预测工具提出了挑战。利用早期选举和2016年竞选的数据,我们对民意调查汇总和估计两位主要候选人之间百分比差距的州级误差进行了评估。我们发现,2016年各州对FiveThirtyEight和Upshot模型误差幅度的估计大致正确。然而,由于民意调查期间的非主要政党偏好,我们称之为“预测收缩”的比例偏差对州一级的估计产生了很大影响。我们建议通过使用候选偏好的对数比而不是百分比差,可以在很大程度上避免预测收缩。我们提出了基于模拟的选举概率评估的统计原理,讨论了从业者可能理解但在文献中未完全解释的方面。对于2016年,我们拟合了一个平滑混合效应模型,该模型对国家和特定州的趋势都很敏感,并且只需要一个选举年的数据。该模型优于所有主要预测站点的估计。对选举人团结果的模拟显示,在选举前夕,特朗普获胜的可能性约为50%。调查结果并不支持民意调查平均值存在高度偏差的论点,但表明标准的民意调查汇总技术在应对候选人相对支持率的最新变化方面装备不足。我们建议,在关注民意调查调整或人口统计行为之前,增加对偏差和方差的基本统计权衡的重视,可能是改进预测的关键。
本文章由计算机程序翻译,如有差异,请以英文原文为准。
How Surprising Was Trump's Victory? Notes on Predictions in the 2016 U.S. Presidential Election
The presidential election results of 2016 surprised many poll-watchers, suggesting possible biases in estimated support for the major party candidates and posing a challenge for poll aggregation as a prediction tool. Using data from earlier elections and the 2016 campaign, we conducted an evaluation of poll aggregation and state-level error in estimating the percentage spread between the two major candidates. We find that state-level estimates of the error magnitude for the FiveThirtyEight and Upshot models were approximately correct in 2016. However, a proportional bias that we term “prediction shrinkage,” due to non-major party preference during polling, had a large impact on state-level estimates. We suggest that prediction shrinkage may be largely avoided by using log-ratios of candidate preferences instead of percentage spread. We present a statistical rationale for simulation-based assessments of election probabilities, discussing aspects that may be understood by practitioners but not fully explicated in the literature. For 2016, we fit a smoothing mixed effects model that is sensitive to both national and state-specific trends and requires data from only a single election year. The model outperformed all the major prediction site estimates. Simulations of electoral college outcomes indicate that, on the eve of the election, the probability of a Trump victory was about 50%. The results do not support the contention that the poll averages were highly biased, but suggest that standard poll aggregation techniques were poorly equipped to respond to a late change in relative support for the candidates. We suggest that an increased emphasis on fundamental statistical tradeoffs of bias and variance, prior to focusing on poll adjustments or demographic behavior, may be the key to improved prediction.
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