乌干达经济技术官僚的命运转移:夹在国家建设和政权生存之间?

Badru Bukenya, S. Hickey
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引用次数: 10

摘要

乌干达在过去三十年的大部分时间里令人印象深刻的经济增长水平通常与其经济技术官僚的表现有关,特别是政府权力强大的财政、经济计划和发展部(MFPED)。本文认为,MFPED(或其部分)确实可以被视为“有效的口袋”,在这不是常态的背景下,该部经常设法有效地履行其任务。这可以部分地解释为方案计划署所执行的某些任务的职能和法律授权性质,部分地解释为强有力的国际支持和监督。然而,我们还发现,尽管有这些有利因素,特别是在其控制预算程序和公共支出的能力方面,财政部的业绩在一段时间内变化很大。这种变化可以追溯到乌干达政治解决方案的转变,从21世纪初开始,乌干达的政治解决方案从广泛的“主导发展”转变为“脆弱的民粹主义”。这一转变深刻地改变了MFPED之前在与州议会的关系中享有的“嵌入式自主权”,从而削弱了MFPED履行其使命的能力。尽管近年来努力重新获得权力和自治,但在乌干达,MFPED仍然受制于政权生存的政治,从而削弱了其有效性。虽然这可能会放松乌干达新自由主义经济治理的控制,并使其他观点得以出现,但更直接的影响是破坏了该国政策一致性和经济增长的前景。
本文章由计算机程序翻译,如有差异,请以英文原文为准。
The Shifting Fortunes of the Economic Technocracy in Uganda: Caught Between State-Building and Regime Survival?
Uganda’s impressive levels of economic growth over most of the past three decades have often been linked to the performance of its economic technocracy, particularly the government’s high-powered Ministry of Finance, Economic Planning and Development (MFPED). This paper argues that MFPED (or parts thereof) can indeed be seen as ‘pockets of effectiveness’, with the Ministry often managing to deliver effectively on its mandate, in a context in which this is not the norm. This can be explained in part by the functional and legally mandated nature of some of the tasks that MFPED delivers and in part by the strong levels of international support and oversight. However, we also find that MFPED’s performance has varied considerably over time, despite these favourable factors, particularly in terms of its capacity to control the budgetary process and public expenditure. This variation can be traced to shifts within Uganda’s political settlement, which moved from being broadly ‘dominant-developmental’ to ‘vulnerable-populist’ in character from the early 2000s onwards. This shift profoundly altered the ‘embedded autonomy’ that MFPED had previously enjoyed with regards its relationship with State House, in ways that have undermined MFPED’s capacity to deliver on its mandate. Despite efforts to regain both power and autonomy in recent years, MFPED remains subject to the politics of regime survival in Uganda, in ways that undermine its effectiveness. Whilst this may loosen the hold of neoliberal economic governance in Uganda and enable alternative perspectives to emerge, the more immediate effects have been to damage prospects for policy coherence and economic growth in the country.
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