汤加语波利尼西亚语中句法作格的绝对运动

L. Clemens, Rebecca Tollan
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引用次数: 4

摘要

我们提出了一个统一的帐户的存在的句法作格性和可变后词序的可用性在波利尼西亚语言的汤加分支。在汤加语中,否定主语不能自由提取,VSO和VOS语序都是可能的。相比之下,纽埃语的否定主语可以自由提取,但两个完整的DP论点的语序是严格的VSO。我们认为,这些差异源于句法参数变化的单一点:绝对大小写分配的轨迹(Bittner & Hale 1996;a.o)。在汤加语中,绝对词由T0赋值,因此宾语必须移到否定主语前面,这就产生了提取限制和VOS词序的可用性。在纽埃尔语中,绝对值由v0赋值;因此,没有对象a移动,因此没有提取限制,并且不可能实现VOS。
本文章由计算机程序翻译,如有差异,请以英文原文为准。
Syntactic ergativity as absolutive movement in Tongic Polynesian
We propose a unified account of the presence of syntactic ergativity and the availability of variable post-verbal word order in the Tongic branch of Polynesian languages. In Tongan, ergative subjects cannot freely extract, and both VSO and VOS word orders are possible. By contrast, ergative subjects in Niuean freely extract, but word order with two full DP arguments is strictly VSO. We argue that these differences stem from a single point of parametric variation in the syntax: the locus of absolutive case assignment (Bittner & Hale 1996; a.o.). In Tongan, absolutive is assigned by T0, such that the object must A-move past the ergative subject, giving rise to extraction restrictions and the availability of VOS word order. In Niuean, absolutive is assigned by v 0; as such, there is no object A-movement, hence no extraction restrictions, and VOS is not possible.
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