欧盟与英国正在寻求新的合作形式——评格鲁宾科、余雅。马丁诺夫:《脱欧后的欧盟:历史的延续》(捷尔诺皮尔-基辅,2021年)。258 p)。

Oleh Mashevskyi
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引用次数: 0

摘要

该专著的作者专注于对实际科学和应用主题的科学分析,该主题涉及欧盟适应英国离开欧盟以来出现的新情况的问题。具有象征意义的是,这一进程恰逢全球化进程因这一流行病及其对国际安全的挑战而出现危机。现代欧盟既是一个国际性的,又是一个国家性的实体,它结合了至少三个国家联盟的特征:一个国际政府间组织、一个邦联和一个联邦。这既决定了研究课题的复杂性,也决定了其矛盾性。在激进的社会变革条件下,追踪和充分分析它们总是很困难的。这一艰巨的任务由于社会科学大家庭内部方法论危机的存在而进一步复杂化。因此,考虑到所有这些客观困难,我们只能欢迎寻找一种新的理论和方法综合的尝试,这应该有助于社会理解历史时间的本质,并在其中尽可能理性和有效地行动。专著的页面提出了关于欧洲历史经验问题研究的启发式潜力的问题;此外,还十分注意对欧洲政策的社会媒介采取系统办法的范围。它还涉及在保持社会市场经济基本准则的同时,解决阻碍欧洲一体化质的深化的关键社会问题。在这些问题中,作者强调并分析了最重要的方面,这些方面主要与克服贫困和打击失业有关。该专著概述了转型历史时期的方法论问题范围,涉及其研究综合方法,包括使用历史,社会哲学,经济,政治科学,法律方法。这种方法可以恢复科学知识的综合,这种综合不仅经常因复杂研究对象的专业化碎片化趋势而中断,而且还可以考虑到过渡历史时期的具体情况。从地理意义上说,并非所有欧洲地区都是同样发达的,这是由于它们不同的经济专业化,这是历史分工的结果。最终,有一种趋势是把解决贫困地区问题的责任转移到他们自己身上。德国在东西统一方面的同样经验表明,即使在基础设施建设方面进行巨额投资,引进新技术,努力提高生产率——所有这些加在一起,也不能足够快地解决社会融合问题。富裕和贫穷的联邦州的社会空间的平等化相当缓慢。最后但并非最不重要的是,这些问题成为英国退出欧盟的一个很好的理由。该专著问题对乌克兰的外交政策具有重要的现实意义。毕竟,欧盟是乌克兰重要的邻国、贸易和政治伙伴,加入欧盟实际上被宣布为一种战略国家理念的雏形。欧洲项目本质上是后现代的,因为它试图克服与民族主义相关的现代主义,并达到不同国家利益的宽容协议水平。全球化进程的加剧促使一体化结构履行限制国家主权的职能。欧盟共同外交和防务政策的史学论述证明,欧洲一体化的这一战略进程取决于欧洲精英和欧洲人民找到共同欧洲身份的能力,并围绕这一身份组织确定欧盟在现代国际关系体系中的地位和作用的过程。从遥远的历史角度来看,这一进程仍然是一种开放的可能性,其结果无法保证是积极的还是消极的。英国脱欧,在很多欧洲一体化研究者意料之外的情况下,逐渐走向成熟。同行评议专著的作者列出了影响这一决定的主要趋势。首先,我们谈论的是不受监管的欧盟发展战略、欧洲共同货币的命运、共同外交和安全政策领域决策体系的不完善,这导致欧盟对俄罗斯和中国专制挑战的反应无效。
本文章由计算机程序翻译,如有差异,请以英文原文为准。
EUROPEAN UNION AND GREAT BRITAIN IS SEEKING NEW FORMS OF COOPERATION Review of the monograph by A.V. Grubinko, A. Yu. Martynov “The European Union after BREXIT: a continuation of history” (Ternopil – Kyiv, 2021. 258 p.).
The authors of the monograph focused on the scientific analysis of an actual scientific and applied topic, which concerns the problem of adaptation of the European Union to the new conditions that have emerged since the UK left the EU. It is symbolic that this process coincided with the crisis of the globalization process due to the pandemic and its challenges to international security. The modern European Union is both an international and a state-like entity, which combines the features of at least three state unions: an international intergovernmental organization, a confederation and a federation. This not only determines the complexity of the subject of study, but also its inconsistency. In conditions of radical social change, it is always difficult to track and adequately analyze them. This titanic task is further complicated by the presence of an in-house methodological crisis in the family of social sciences. Therefore, given all these objective difficulties, we can only welcome attempts to find a new theoretical and methodological synthesis, which should help society to understand the essence of historical time and act in it as rationally and efficiently as possible. The pages of the monograph raise questions about the heuristic potential of the study of the problem of European historical experience; in addition, significant attention is paid to the coverage of a systematic approach to the social vector of European policy. It also addresses the issue of solving key social problems that stand in the way of qualitative deepening of European integration while maintaining the basic guidelines of social market economy. Among these issues, the authors highlight and analyze the most important aspects, which relate primarily to overcoming poverty and combating unemployment. The monograph outlines the range of methodological problems of transformational historical period, involved in its study synthesizing approach, which consists in the use of historical, socio-philosophical, economic, political science, legal approaches. This approach allows to restore the synthesis of scientific knowledge, which is often disrupted not only by the tendency to specialized fragmentation of complex objects of study, but also allows to take into account the specifics of the transitional historical period. In a geographical sense, not all European regions are equally developed, due to their different economic specialization, which has developed as a result of the historical division of labor. Eventually, there is a tendency to shifting responsibility for solving the problems of poor regions to themselves. The same German experience with the unification of East and West of the country has shown that even huge investments in infrastructure development, introduction of new technologies, efforts to increase productivity – all this together do not solve quickly enough the problem of social convergence. The leveling of the social space of richer and poorer federal states is rather slow. Last but not least, these problems became a good reason for the Great Britain’s withdrawal from the European Union. The issue of the monograph is of practical importance for the foreign policy of Ukraine. After all, the European Union is an important neighbor, trade and political partner of Ukraine and accession to it is actually declared as a prototype of a strategic national idea. The European project is essentially postmodern, as it seeks to overcome the modernism with which nationalism is associated and to reach a level of tolerant agreement of different national interests. The intensification of the globalization process has prompted integration structures to perform functions that limit national sovereignty. Historiographical discourse of common foreign and defense policy of European Union proves that this strategic course of European integration depends on the ability of elites and peoples of Europe to find a common European identity and organize around it the process of determining the place and role of the European Union in the modern system of international relations. This process in the distant historical perspective remains an open possibility with an unguaranteed positive or negative result. Britain’s withdrawal from the European Union, which was unexpected for many researchers of European integration, matured gradually. The authors of the peer-reviewed monograph list the main trends that influenced this decision. First of all, we are talking about the unregulated EU development strategy, the fate of the common European currency, the imperfection of the system of decision-making in the field of common foreign and security policy, which led to an ineffective EU response to Russian and Chinese autocratic challenges. Despite the objective problems associated with mutual adaptation of old and new EU member states, the European integration project continues to be seen as the key to addressing the challenges of modern life and finding answers to the challenges of globalization. In particular, in the final sixth chapter, the author focuses on the theoretical, methodological and practical analysis of the problem of democracy. The authors of the monograph are looking for an answer to the question of what the European Union will be like after the exit of Great Britain. No less important is the question of whether Britain will become a “global” Britain after leaving the European Union. Of course, Britain is concerned about turning the EU into a superpower that has not only its own flag, anthem, currency, but also the germ of a common European army and tries to pursue a common foreign and defense policy. London advocates stronger resistance from China and ousting Russia from Europe. Changing regional influences in the EU may create a new structure of conflict of interest not only for individual countries but also for various regional groups. The issue of a clear division of powers between supranational and national authorities at all levels seems ripe. More adequate to this trend will be not so much a more centralized federalist Europe as a decentralized confederative one. By the way, the model of the latter looks more open for further expansion. This work is imbued with the spirit of realistic Europeanism. Therefore, not least because of this, the peer-reviewed monograph will become a notable phenomenon in domestic European studies.
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