征服国家,征服社会

J. Jongerden
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引用次数: 0

摘要

2016年土耳其政变后采取的措施被评价为公民权利和自由倒退的过程。这篇文章采用了一种稍微不同的方法。所谓的民主崩溃,或权利和自由的“倒退”,不应被视为政变后后果的(仅仅)属性。认为土耳其的民主化进程在政变后脱轨或中断的观点,只会助长政变前曾有过这样一个民主化进程的神话。在这篇文章中,本文认为,改革通常被视为“民主化”,而不是正义与发展党(正义与发展党,AKP)为征服国家而斗争的机会主义工具,从凯末尔主义精英手中夺取国家,并击退和遏制库尔德人的运动,该运动要求多元化的公民身份和加强公民权利。这些现在已经演变成一种公开的威权主义,在这种威权主义中,库尔德人和土耳其库尔德斯坦地区并不陌生的例外政权已经成为常态,成为特别的泛化。这就是这里所说的“组织政变”。
本文章由计算机程序翻译,如有差异,请以英文原文为准。
Conquering the state, subordinating society
The 2016 post-coup attempt measures in Turkey have been evaluated as a process of backsliding on civic rights and freedoms. This contribution takes a slightly different approach. The so-called democratic breakdown, or ‘backsliding’, in rights and freedoms should not be regarded as a (mere) attribute of the post-coup aftermath. The idea that a process of democratization in Turkey derailed or became disrupted after the coup only feeds the myth that there had been such a process of pre-coup democratization. In this article, it is argued that the reforms often held up as a ‘democratization’ were rather instruments opportunistically employed in the Adalet ve Kalkinma Partisi (Justice and Development Party, AKP) struggle to conquer the state, to take it from a Kemalist elite and to roll back and contain a Kurdish movement that made pleas for a pluralistic citizenship and the strengthening of civil rights. These have now morphed into an overt authoritarianism, in which a regime of exceptions, not unknown to the Kurds and the Kurdistan region in Turkey, has become the norm, the particular generalised. This is what is referred to here as an ‘organizational coup’.
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