{"title":"意第绪语的数量损失:斯拉夫语的特征?","authors":"Yuri A. Kleiner, Natalia S Vetozarova","doi":"10.1163/9789004488472_019","DOIUrl":null,"url":null,"abstract":"From the point of view of quantity, the dialects of Yiddish can be divided into two major groups, viz. (a) those that have the opposition of vowel length and (b) those that do not have it. The Western and Mid-Eastern dialects, on the one hand, and the North-Eastern dialects, on the other, represent groups (a) and (b), respectively. According to most dialectologists, the South-Eastern dialects have not retained the opposition of length, thus belonging to the (b)-group dialects. Yet, there are those who argue that in some of the SE dialects this opposition is still present, although it is less manifest than in (a) (e.g. covering some of the vowels only). If this group exists in reality, it belongs to an intermediary type that may or may not reflect the general tendency, but itself is not indicative of the mechanism of quantity loss. According to Ulrike Kiefer,1 the tendency to lose the \"systematische Opposition zwischen Langund Kurzvokalen\" becomes stronger towards the East (Kiefer 1995: 158), leading to North-Eastern Yiddish which is \"der am meisten neuernde [Dialekt] (weil Langenunterschiede vollig abgeschafft sind)\", as Dovid Katz has put it (Katz 1983: 1030). Since the loss of quantity distinctions is regarded as indicative of the advanced state of the language, it follows that the opposite (i.e. length distinctions, as in Western Yiddish) must be typical of its most archaic state. The latter must have coincided with the earliest period of the history of Yiddish, most probably from its origin (between the 1 1th and 13th c.) to the time of the migration of the Jews to the East (^-lo* e). In other words, the earliest state of Yiddish is the period when Yiddish was a German(ic) dialect. In this capacity, it must have been characterized by an admixture of Hebrew elements only. According to Neil G. Jacobs, the Hebrew component in Yiddish had a certain specificity with respect to quantity. Thus, Hebrew words show reflexes coinciding with those of long vowels in some forms, but not in others, cf. sojdes 'secrets' and","PeriodicalId":252873,"journal":{"name":"Languages in Contact","volume":"141 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0000,"publicationDate":"1900-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":"1","resultStr":"{\"title\":\"Quantity Loss in Yiddish: A Slavic Feature?\",\"authors\":\"Yuri A. Kleiner, Natalia S Vetozarova\",\"doi\":\"10.1163/9789004488472_019\",\"DOIUrl\":null,\"url\":null,\"abstract\":\"From the point of view of quantity, the dialects of Yiddish can be divided into two major groups, viz. (a) those that have the opposition of vowel length and (b) those that do not have it. The Western and Mid-Eastern dialects, on the one hand, and the North-Eastern dialects, on the other, represent groups (a) and (b), respectively. According to most dialectologists, the South-Eastern dialects have not retained the opposition of length, thus belonging to the (b)-group dialects. Yet, there are those who argue that in some of the SE dialects this opposition is still present, although it is less manifest than in (a) (e.g. covering some of the vowels only). If this group exists in reality, it belongs to an intermediary type that may or may not reflect the general tendency, but itself is not indicative of the mechanism of quantity loss. According to Ulrike Kiefer,1 the tendency to lose the \\\"systematische Opposition zwischen Langund Kurzvokalen\\\" becomes stronger towards the East (Kiefer 1995: 158), leading to North-Eastern Yiddish which is \\\"der am meisten neuernde [Dialekt] (weil Langenunterschiede vollig abgeschafft sind)\\\", as Dovid Katz has put it (Katz 1983: 1030). Since the loss of quantity distinctions is regarded as indicative of the advanced state of the language, it follows that the opposite (i.e. length distinctions, as in Western Yiddish) must be typical of its most archaic state. The latter must have coincided with the earliest period of the history of Yiddish, most probably from its origin (between the 1 1th and 13th c.) to the time of the migration of the Jews to the East (^-lo* e). In other words, the earliest state of Yiddish is the period when Yiddish was a German(ic) dialect. In this capacity, it must have been characterized by an admixture of Hebrew elements only. According to Neil G. Jacobs, the Hebrew component in Yiddish had a certain specificity with respect to quantity. 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引用次数: 1
摘要
从数量的角度来看,意第绪语方言可以分为两大类,即(a)元音长度相反的方言和(b)元音长度相反的方言。西部和中东方言,以及东北部方言,分别代表(a)和(b)组。根据大多数方言学家的观点,东南方言没有保留长度的对立,因此属于(b)群方言。然而,有人认为,在一些东南方言中,这种对立仍然存在,尽管它不像(a)中那么明显(例如,只覆盖了一些元音)。如果这个群体在现实中存在,它属于一种中介类型,可能反映也可能不反映总体趋势,但本身并不表明数量损失的机制。根据Ulrike Kiefer的说法,1失去“systematische Opposition zwischen Langund Kurzvokalen”的倾向在东方变得更加强烈(Kiefer 1995: 158),导致了像戴维·卡茨(david Katz)所说的“der am meisten neuernde [Dialekt] (weil Langenunterschiede vollig abgeschafft sind)”的东北意第绪语。由于数量差异的丧失被认为是语言先进状态的标志,因此,相反的(即长度差异,如西意第绪语)一定是其最古老状态的典型特征。后者一定与意第绪语最早的历史时期相吻合,最有可能是从它的起源(公元11 - 13世纪之间)到犹太人向东迁移的时期(^-lo* e)。换句话说,意第绪语最早的状态是意第绪语是德语方言的时期。在这种情况下,它的特点一定是混合了希伯来语的元素。根据尼尔·g·雅各布斯(Neil G. Jacobs)的说法,意第绪语中的希伯来语成分在数量方面有一定的特殊性。因此,希伯来语单词在某些形式中表现出与长元音相一致的反射,但在其他形式中则不然,例如sojdes的“secrets”和
From the point of view of quantity, the dialects of Yiddish can be divided into two major groups, viz. (a) those that have the opposition of vowel length and (b) those that do not have it. The Western and Mid-Eastern dialects, on the one hand, and the North-Eastern dialects, on the other, represent groups (a) and (b), respectively. According to most dialectologists, the South-Eastern dialects have not retained the opposition of length, thus belonging to the (b)-group dialects. Yet, there are those who argue that in some of the SE dialects this opposition is still present, although it is less manifest than in (a) (e.g. covering some of the vowels only). If this group exists in reality, it belongs to an intermediary type that may or may not reflect the general tendency, but itself is not indicative of the mechanism of quantity loss. According to Ulrike Kiefer,1 the tendency to lose the "systematische Opposition zwischen Langund Kurzvokalen" becomes stronger towards the East (Kiefer 1995: 158), leading to North-Eastern Yiddish which is "der am meisten neuernde [Dialekt] (weil Langenunterschiede vollig abgeschafft sind)", as Dovid Katz has put it (Katz 1983: 1030). Since the loss of quantity distinctions is regarded as indicative of the advanced state of the language, it follows that the opposite (i.e. length distinctions, as in Western Yiddish) must be typical of its most archaic state. The latter must have coincided with the earliest period of the history of Yiddish, most probably from its origin (between the 1 1th and 13th c.) to the time of the migration of the Jews to the East (^-lo* e). In other words, the earliest state of Yiddish is the period when Yiddish was a German(ic) dialect. In this capacity, it must have been characterized by an admixture of Hebrew elements only. According to Neil G. Jacobs, the Hebrew component in Yiddish had a certain specificity with respect to quantity. Thus, Hebrew words show reflexes coinciding with those of long vowels in some forms, but not in others, cf. sojdes 'secrets' and