《布莱恩修正案》的无足轻重

Steven K. Green
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' The proposed federal amendment sought to apply the proscriptions of the First Amendment religion clauses to the actions of state governments while it expressly prohibited the appropriation of public funds for the support of any school under the control of a religious sect or denomination.2 The Amendment came about at a time of heightened controversy over the religious character of American public education and the public funding of private religious schooling, primarily Catholic parochial schools.3 At times, the debate over the Amendment and the larger \"School Question\" devolved into ethnic and religious aspersions, a fact that has led critics to charge that the Amendment and the principles it represented were motivated chiefly by anti-Catholic animus.4 The Blaine Amendment failed to receive the necessary approval from the Senate,5 but several states subsequently enacted comparable amendments in their respective constitutions prohibiting the public funding of religious schooling.6 Critics have used the religious bigotry associated with the Blaine Amendment to discredit these state facsimiles and the no-funding principle they represent; as critic-in-chief Justice Clarence Thomas has written, the legal rule prohibiting funding of religious schools \"has a shameful pedigree that we [should] not hesitate to disavow . . . . It is [a] doctrine, born of bigotry, [that] should be buried now.\"7 I have written previously about the background to the Blaine Amendment, arguing that neither the history nor meaning of the Amendment can be easily distilled.8 The Blaine Amendment was a fulcrum in the century-long struggle over the propriety, role, and character of universal public education in America while, at the same time, it served as the capstone of an eight year controversy over the legitimacy of Protestant-oriented public schooling, a controversy that raged along side the parochial school funding question. The Blaine Amendment had as much to do with the partisan climate of the post-Reconstruction era and related concerns about federal power over education as it did with Catholic animus. Included in the mix was a sincere effort to make public education available for children of all faiths and races, while respecting Jeffersonian notions of church-state separation. 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引用次数: 9

摘要

在美国宪法历史上,很少有事件像1876年的布莱恩修正案那样受到如此恶毒的中伤。拟议的联邦修正案试图将第一修正案的宗教条款的禁令适用于州政府的行动,同时它明确禁止拨出公共资金来支持宗教派别或教派控制下的任何学校该修正案是在美国公共教育的宗教性和私立宗教学校(主要是天主教教区学校)的公共资助引起高度争议的时期提出的有时,关于修正案和更大的“学校问题”的辩论演变成种族和宗教的诽谤,这一事实导致批评者指责修正案及其所代表的原则主要是由反天主教的敌意所驱动的布莱恩修正案没有得到参议院必要的批准,但几个州随后在各自的宪法中颁布了类似的修正案,禁止公共资金资助宗教学校批评者利用与布莱恩修正案相关的宗教偏见来诋毁这些州传真和它们所代表的无资金原则;正如首席大法官克拉伦斯·托马斯(Clarence Thomas)所写的那样,禁止资助宗教学校的法律规定“有着可耻的渊源,我们(应该)毫不犹豫地否认. . . .。这是一种产生于偏执的教条,现在应该被埋葬。我以前曾写过关于布莱恩修正案的背景,认为该修正案的历史和意义都不能轻易提炼出来《布莱恩修正案》是围绕美国普及公共教育的适当性、作用和性质展开的长达一个世纪的斗争的一个支点,与此同时,它也是围绕以新教为主导的公立学校的合法性展开的长达八年的争论的顶点,这场争论与教区学校的资金问题一起激烈。《布莱恩修正案》既与天主教的敌意有关,也与重建后时代的党派气氛和对联邦政府在教育方面的权力的相关担忧有关。其中包括为所有信仰和种族的儿童提供公共教育的真诚努力,同时尊重杰斐逊的政教分离观念。那些将布莱恩修正案描述为天主教偏执的单一实践的人,因此忽视了历史记录和时代动态本文将从一个不同但相关的角度来考虑布莱恩修正案:它是否确立或推进了一项具有宪法意义的原则。过去二十年来围绕《布莱恩修正案》(Blaine Amendment)的法律争议是错误的。特别是在2002年克利夫兰教育券案判决(Zelman诉Simmons-Harris案)之后,人们的注意力转向了州宪法,因为它为国家对宗教的援助制定了规则这些州规定的解释乃至合宪性都与布莱恩修正案有着千丝万缕的联系。但作为一个宪法事件,布莱恩修正案是微不足道的。尽管《布莱恩修正案》在历史和政治上都具有重要意义,但就宪法目的而言,它并不重要。修正案所包含的法律原则——非宗派的公共教育和禁止国家资助宗教教育——都早于修正案,并没有被它显著改变当代对非宗派教育和无资助原则的理解相对未受布莱恩修正案辩论的影响。此外,布莱恩修正案和大多数州无资金条款之间的法律联系——我将拒绝将它们称为“小布莱恩”——充其量是不确定的。可以肯定的是,在布莱恩修正案失败后的50年里,22个州在他们的宪法中采纳了不提供资金的条款。…
本文章由计算机程序翻译,如有差异,请以英文原文为准。
The Insignificance of the Blaine Amendment
Few events in American constitutional history have been as maligned as the Blaine Amendment of 1876. ' The proposed federal amendment sought to apply the proscriptions of the First Amendment religion clauses to the actions of state governments while it expressly prohibited the appropriation of public funds for the support of any school under the control of a religious sect or denomination.2 The Amendment came about at a time of heightened controversy over the religious character of American public education and the public funding of private religious schooling, primarily Catholic parochial schools.3 At times, the debate over the Amendment and the larger "School Question" devolved into ethnic and religious aspersions, a fact that has led critics to charge that the Amendment and the principles it represented were motivated chiefly by anti-Catholic animus.4 The Blaine Amendment failed to receive the necessary approval from the Senate,5 but several states subsequently enacted comparable amendments in their respective constitutions prohibiting the public funding of religious schooling.6 Critics have used the religious bigotry associated with the Blaine Amendment to discredit these state facsimiles and the no-funding principle they represent; as critic-in-chief Justice Clarence Thomas has written, the legal rule prohibiting funding of religious schools "has a shameful pedigree that we [should] not hesitate to disavow . . . . It is [a] doctrine, born of bigotry, [that] should be buried now."7 I have written previously about the background to the Blaine Amendment, arguing that neither the history nor meaning of the Amendment can be easily distilled.8 The Blaine Amendment was a fulcrum in the century-long struggle over the propriety, role, and character of universal public education in America while, at the same time, it served as the capstone of an eight year controversy over the legitimacy of Protestant-oriented public schooling, a controversy that raged along side the parochial school funding question. The Blaine Amendment had as much to do with the partisan climate of the post-Reconstruction era and related concerns about federal power over education as it did with Catholic animus. Included in the mix was a sincere effort to make public education available for children of all faiths and races, while respecting Jeffersonian notions of church-state separation. Those who characterize the Blaine Amendment as a singular exercise in Catholic bigotry thus give short shrift to the historical record and the dynamics of the times.9 This Article will consider the Blaine Amendment from a different, though related, perspective: whether it established or advanced a principle of constitutional significance. The legal controversy over the Blaine Amendment that has taken place over the past two decades has been misplaced. Particularly following the 2002 Cleveland voucher decision (Zelman v. Simmons-Harris),10 attention has turned to state constitutions as setting the rules for state aid to religion.11 The interpretation and even constitutionality of these state provisions have been inextricably tied to the Blaine Amendment.12 But the Blaine Amendment is insignificant as a constitutional event. While the Blaine Amendment is historically and politically significant, it matters little for constitutional purposes. The legal principles the Amendment embraced-nonsectarian public education and a prohibition on state funding of religious education-both predated the Amendment and were not significantly altered by it.13 Contemporary understandings of nonsectarian education and the no-funding principle emerged from the debates over the Blaine Amendment relatively unaffected. In addition, the legal connection between the Blaine Amendment and a majority of the state no-funding provisions-I will resist referring to them as "Baby Blaines"-is uncertain at best. To be sure, twenty-two states adopted no-funding provisions in their constitutions during the fifty years following the defeat of the Blaine Amendment. …
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