典范例外:阿甘本《神圣人》中的哲学与政治决定

A. Norris
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引用次数: 7

摘要

的权利。更具体地说,纳粹死亡集中营不是一个政治失常,更不是一个独特的事件,而是一个政治作为对生命的主权决定最清楚地显示自己的地方:今天,西方的基本生命政治范式不是城市,而是集中营。Lager是一个阈值,在这个阈值中,人类被还原为赤裸的生命;这种生活所遭受的折磨只不过是被排除在城邦之外作为一种独特的人类生活。被国家抛弃而产生的赤裸的生命不是生物生命;不是简单的自然生命,而是暴露于死亡的生命(赤裸的生命或神圣的生命)才是最初的政治元素。这就是普里莫·列维在《如果这是一个人》中所描述的穆斯林。有人把大屠杀说成是工业化的大规模死亡,把集中营说成是制造死亡的工厂,但是这些工厂的产物并不是死亡,而是,正如阿伦特所说的,一种生命和死亡之外的生活方式,如果对阿伦特来说,Muselmänner的产物是反政治的,因为集中营是多元被取消的空间,对阿甘本来说,它是政治本质的出现。对于政治哲学来说,这样的主张很难解决,因为它们破坏了许多指导假设。阿甘本没有要求我们构建和评估不同的行动计划,而是要求我们评估政治活动本身的形而上学结构和含义。阿甘本没有要求我们考虑政治认同的真实或适当本质,而是要求我们考虑非同一性的门槛状态,即阈限。阿甘本并没有将权利、权威、公共利益、自由或平等等概念带入更清晰的视野,而是在抽象的层面上运作,在这个层面上,这些概念模糊了它们的对立面。他采取这种方法是因为,像阿伦特一样,他相信,只有当一个人理解了正义和不正义所基于的政治基础时,才能提出对正义的要求。如果福柯的目标是创造文化无意识,那么在所有存在的生物中,大概最难思考的是有生命的生物,因为一方面,它们在某种程度上与我们最接近,另一方面,它们又与我们的永恒本质隔着一个深渊。马丁·海德格尔,《人文主义信
本文章由计算机程序翻译,如有差异,请以英文原文为准。
The Exemplary Exception: Philosophical and Political Decisions in Giorgio Agamben’s Homo Sacer
rights. More specifically, the Nazi death camps are not a political aberration, least of all a unique event, but instead the place where politics as the sovereign decision on life most clearly reveals itself: ʻtoday it is not the city but rather the camp that is the fundamental biopolitical paradigm of the West.̓ 1 The Lager is a threshold in which human beings are reduced to bare life; and the torture this life suffers is nothing else but its exclusion from the polis as a distinctively human life. The bare life that is produced by this abandonment by the state is not biological life; ʻnot simple natural life, but life exposed to death (bare life or sacred life) is the originary political element .̓2 This is the Muselmann as described by Primo Levi in If This is a Man. One speaks of the Shoah as industrialized mass death, and of the camps as ʻfactories of death .̓ But the product of these factories is not death but, as Arendt puts it, a mode of life ʻoutside of life and death .̓3 If for Arendt, however, the production of Muselmänner is anti-political, in that the camps are spaces in which plurality is foreclosed, for Agamben it is the emergence of the essence of the political. Such claims are difficult for political philosophy to address, as they undermine so many of its guiding assumptions. Instead of asking us to construct and evaluate different plans of action, Agamben asks us to evaluate the metaphysical structure and implications of the activity of politics as such. Instead of asking us to consider the true or proper nature of political identity, Agamben asks us to consider a threshold state of the non-identical, the liminal. And far from bringing concepts such as rights, authority, public interest, liberty or equality more clearly into view, Agamben operates at a level of abstraction at which such concepts blur into their opposites. He takes this approach because, like Arendt, he believes that claims to justice can only be made if one understands the ground of the political upon which both justice and injustice stand. If Foucault s̓ goal was ʻto make the cultural unconscious Of all the beings that are, presumably the most difficult to think about are living creatures, because on the one hand they are in a certain way most closely akin to us, and on the other are at the same time separated from our ek-sistent essence by an abyss. Martin Heidegger, ʻLetter on Humanismʼ
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