《每个人都有自己的专长》:贝克特、残疾和依赖

M. Davidson
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引用次数: 2

摘要

在《弯腰向后》一书中,伦纳德·戴维斯(Lennard Davis)创造了“反现代主义”一词,用来描述残疾挑战自由自主和健全正常的观念的方式,这些观念是当代身份政治的基础。作为一种社会模式,后现代主义理论与后现代主义理论一样,都对主体性的宏大叙事和历史目的论持怀疑态度,但戴维斯认为后现代主义理论一方面保留了社会建构主义的身份观,另一方面又保留了多元文化主义的政治和核心群体的身份。他重述了遗传学领域最近的科学发现,这些发现否定了种族、性别或民族的生物学基础,他问道:“说这是一种社会建构,这怎么说得通?”(1)关于种族、性别和性的论述是19世纪晚期医学科学的产物——残疾也是如此——但与这些其他领域不同的是,残疾跨越了所有这些范畴,是我们所有人——如果我们活得足够长——都可能拥有的一种身份定位。它的普遍性和不稳定性使戴维斯将残疾视为一种在生物能源技术中构建的自我认同,但又不受特定基因、经济或种族标记约束的主体地位。非现代主义理想“旨在以局部的、不完整的主体为基础,创造一种新的范畴,这种主体的实现不是自主和独立,而是依赖和相互依赖。”(2)尽管戴维斯将表演的后现代哲学立场与历史的、后民权的文化政治混为一谈,但他确实指出了权利主张的一个关键局限性,即假设一种健康的、独立的(可能是白人、可能是异性恋者、男性)理想,将那些被认为是“有缺陷的”或无法做出“理性选择”的人排除在外。在这方面,他加入了最近的一些理论家的行列——阿尔伯特·梅米、玛莎·努斯鲍姆、迈克尔·贝鲁比、伊娃·基泰和阿勒斯代尔·麦金泰尔——对他们来说,依赖的考虑挑战了从卢梭、休谟到罗尔斯所构想的社会契约,并质疑契约主义理想能否经受住不同能力身体的考验?(3)伊娃·基泰(Eva Kittay)简洁地指出,依赖批判认为,社会是一个平等群体的概念“掩盖了不公平的依赖关系,包括婴儿期、儿童期、老年期、疾病期和残疾期的依赖关系。”虽然我们是依赖的,但我们并不能在平等的条件下为社会合作的成果而竞争。”(4)尽管社会正义的自由主义理论暗示了进入公共领域的平等机会,但它们没有考虑到那些由于认知障碍或身体残疾而不能在“平等”和独立的条件下合作的个人。依赖关系也不能在共同福利中得到证实。需要特殊照顾的公民经常被诬蔑为自恋狂、爱发牢骚的人、浪费公共资金的人。他们根据《美国残疾人法》提出的“合理便利”要求导致了一系列法庭案件,这些案件在很大程度上对原告不利。对口译员、看护者、治疗师和社会服务的需求使残疾人与自由主义的独立和自力更生的理想相冲突。(5)一种独立生活模式——残疾人权利运动的基础——能与阿拉斯代尔·麦金太尔所说的适用于我们所有人的“公认的依赖的美德”相吻合吗?(6)玛莎·努斯鲍姆(Martha Nussbaum)的《正义前沿》(Frontiers of Justice)一书以一个响亮的“还没有”回答了这些问题,并特别指责约翰·罗尔斯(John Rawls)的《正义理论》将残疾人、穷人和非人类动物的权利划归为不能包括在罗尔斯“原始立场”(即那些“人类合作既可能又必要的正常条件”)中的选民。(7)努斯鲍姆反对强调互利合作的人权契约模式,主张从她所说的“能力”(借用阿马特拉·森的说法)的立场出发,提出一种权利论述——“人们实际上能够做什么,并在某种程度上通过一种对生活的直觉观念得到信息,这种生活配得上人类的尊严。”...
本文章由计算机程序翻译,如有差异,请以英文原文为准。
“Every Man His Specialty”: Beckett, Disability, and Dependence
I: "To decompose is to live, too" In Bending Over Backwards Lennard Davis coins the term "dismodernism" to describe the ways that disability challenges ideas of liberal autonomy and able-bodied normalcy that underwrite contemporary identity politics. As a social model, dismodernism shares with theories of postmodernism a skepticism toward grand narratives of Subjecthood and historical teleology, but Davis faults much postmodern theory for maintaining a social constructionist view of identity on the one hand while retaining a politics of multiculturalism and core group identity on the other. Reprising recent scientific discoveries in the field of genetics that disprove the biological basis of race, sexuality or ethnicity, he asks "how does it make sense to say there is a social construction of it." (1) Discourses of race, gender, and sexuality are products of late nineteenth-century medical science--as is disability--but unlike these other areas, disability crosses all such categories and is the one identity position that all of us, if we live long enough, may inhabit. Its pervasiveness and instability permit Davis to see disability as a kind of ur-identity constructed within the technologies of bio-power yet a subject position not bound by specific genetic, economic, or racial markers. The dismodernist ideal "aims to create a new category based on the partial, incomplete subject whose realization is not autonomy and independence but dependency and interdependence." (2) Although Davis conflates a postmodern philosophical stance toward performativity with a historical, post-civil rights cultural politics, he does point to a key limitation of rights claims that presume a healthy, independent (probably white, probably heterosexual, male) ideal to the exclusion of those deemed "defective" or unable to make "rational choices." In this respect he joins a number of recent theorists--Albert Memmi, Martha Nussbaum, Michael Berube, Eva Kittay, and Alasdaire MacIntyre--for whom a consideration of dependency challenges the social contract as it has been conceived from Rousseau and Hume to Rawls and asks whether contractarian ideals can stand the test of differently abled bodies? (3) Stated succinctly by Eva Kittay, dependency critique asserts that the idea of society as an association of equals "masks inequitable dependencies, those of infancy and childhood, old age, illness and disability. While we are dependent, we are not well positioned to enter a competition for the goods of social cooperation on equal terms." (4) Although liberal theories of social justice imply equal access to the public sphere, they do not account for individuals who, because of cognitive impairment or physical disability, cannot cooperate on "equal" and independent terms. Nor are dependent relations validated in the common weal. Citizens who need special accommodations are often stigmatized as narcissists, whiners, and drains on public funds. Their requests for "reasonable accommodations" under the ADA have led to a series of court cases that have been, for the most part, decided against the plaintiffs. The need for interpreters, care-givers, therapists, and social services places persons with disabilities in conflict with liberal ideals of independence and self-reliance. (5) Can a model of independent living--the basis of the disability rights movement--coincide with what Alasdair MacIntyre calls the "virtues of acknowledged dependence" that implicate all of us? (6) Martha Nussbaum's Frontiers of Justice answers these questions with a resounding "not yet" and in particular charges John Rawls' Theory of Justice with bracketing the rights of persons with disabilities, poor persons, and nonhuman animals as constituencies that cannot be included in Rawls "original position"--those "normal conditions under which human cooperation is both possible and necessary." (7) Against contract models of human rights that stress cooperation for mutual benefit, Nussbaum argues for a rights discourse from the standpoint of what she calls, adapting Amatyra Sen, "capabilities"--"what people are actually able to do and to be in a way informed by an intuitive idea of a life that is worthy of the dignity of the human being. …
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