“Džeko住在波斯尼亚和黑塞哥维那吗?”: 2013年人口普查中作为民族政治人质的人口统计学

Ondřej Žíla, P. Čermák
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引用次数: 3

摘要

在种族分裂的社会和根据联合主义原则组织的政治制度中,人口作为促进种族政治利益的有力工具发挥着至关重要的作用。本文的目的是评估波斯尼亚和黑塞哥维那的第一次战后2013年人口普查在多大程度上成为民族政治原则的人质。这项研究基于霍洛维茨对严重分裂社会的人口普查的分析,他假设分裂社会中的种族认同可以解释人们投票给谁,反之亦然。我们使用2014年的民族投票数据作为对人口民族结构的间接估计,来验证2013年的人口普查结果。为此,我们确定了2013年人口普查中被列为居民的人在多大程度上按照人口普查法的要求实际居住在他们被统计的地方。虽然我们发现基于民族投票的民族人口的间接估计在很大程度上与人口普查结果一致,但我们也发现了人口普查结果与投票模式之间的具体结构性差异,这些差异表明人口普查数据总体上可能存在缺陷。我们使用的方法显示出重大的领土差异,使人怀疑关于斯普斯卡共和国境内波斯尼亚和克罗地亚回返者的人口普查数据的有效性,特别是关于波斯尼亚-黑塞哥维那各地克罗地亚人的数据。我们认为,这些差异可能对基于种族配额和比例的脆弱的波斯尼亚权力分享制度产生重大的政治后果。
本文章由计算机程序翻译,如有差异,请以英文原文为准。
“Does Džeko Live in Bosnia and Herzegovina?”: Demographics as a Hostage of Ethno-politics in the 2013 Census
In ethnically divided societies and political systems organized according to the principles of consociationalism, demography plays a crucial role as a powerful tool for promoting ethno-political interests. The aim of this article is to evaluate to what extent the first post-war 2013 census in Bosnia and Herzegovina became a hostage to the principle of ethno-politics. This study is grounded in Horowitz’s analysis of censuses in deeply divided societies, which assumes that ethnic identity in fragmented societies provides an explanation of who people vote for, and the reverse. We use the data on ethnic voting in 2014 as an indirect estimate of the ethnic structure of the population to verify the 2013 census findings. To do so, we determine the extent to which people enumerated as residents in the 2013 census actually live at the places they were counted, as required by the census law. Although we found that the indirect estimate of ethnic demography based on ethnic voting is largely in line with the census results, we also identified specific structural discrepancies between census results and voting patterns that indicate possible flaws in the census data in general. The method we used revealed significant territorial discrepancies, bringing into question the validity of the census data about the presence of Bosniak and Croat returnees in the Republika Srpska, and especially for Croats across Bosnia and Herzegovina. We argue that these discrepancies may have significant political consequences for the fragile Bosnian power-sharing system based on ethnic quotas and proportionality.
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