专制主义的巨石,民众被剥夺公民权的地图,以及爱沙尼亚极右翼势力的崛起

Jokubas Salyga
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引用次数: 1

摘要

本文从批判的政治经济学角度探讨爱沙尼亚保守人民党(EKRE)的选举成功。它探讨了有助于这个极右翼政党的支持激增的近期和长期因素。在将爱沙尼亚的激进右翼反应置于整个欧洲极右翼形态的更广泛连续体之后,文章将EKRE崛起的直接因素归因于2008年经济危机的关头及其解决方案。作者认为,威权主义的新自由主义(后)危机环境在欧洲层面上产生了一种基于监督的财政约束,并在国家空间尺度上重新校准了国家干预主义的储备。在爱沙尼亚,这有助于(重新)产生符合极右翼敏感性的危机词汇,并侵蚀了公众对政治主流政党的信任。在对极右翼崛起背后的直接因素的分析之后,还补充了对后共产主义转型的结果、该党与新自由主义的模糊关系以及EKRE的阶级构成的支持基础的普遍剥夺公民权的司法审查。正如即将证明的那样,极右翼吸引了居住在该国边缘地区的工人阶级、贫困的养老金领取者、年轻人和中产阶级中不抱幻想的部分的选票。文章最后评价了“从2020年4月到2021年1月,EKRE被纳入联合政府相当于脱离新自由主义”的说法。
本文章由计算机程序翻译,如有差异,请以英文原文为准。
Monoliths of authoritarianism, cartographies of popular disenfranchisement and the ascendance of the far-right in Estonia
This article approaches the electoral success of Estonia’s Conservative People’s Party (EKRE) from a critical political economy perspective. It explores immediate and longer-term factors conducive to the surge in the support of this far-right party. After situating the radical rightist reaction in Estonia within the wider continuum of far-right morphologies across Europe, the article attributes the immediate factors explaining EKRE’s ascendence to the conjuncture of the 2008 economic crisis and its resolution. It is contended that the authoritarian neoliberal (post-)crisis environments engendered a surveillance-based imposition of fiscal restraint at the European level and recalibrated the repertories of state interventionism at the national spatial scale. In Estonia, this served to (re-)produce the vocabularies of crisis in line with the far-right’s sensibilities and eroded the public’s trust in the parties of the political mainstream. The analysis of immediate factors behind the rise of the far-right is then supplemented with a forensic examination of popular disenfranchisement with the outcomes of post-communist transformation, the party’s ambiguous relationship with neoliberalism and EKRE’s class-constituted support base. As will be demonstrated, the far-right has attracted the votes of working-class segments residing in the peripheries of the country as well as poverty-stricken pensioners, youths and the disenchanted sections of the middle class. The article concludes by evaluating the claim that EKRE’s inclusion in the coalition government from April 2020 to January 2021 amounted to a break from neoliberalism.
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