战争中的性别政治:通过女性形象解读库尔德冲突

Hilâl Alkan
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引用次数: 2

摘要

本文旨在剖析库尔德妇女的不同表现形式,以说明这些表现形式如何对应于不同的权力技术。这三个形象分别是快乐的自由战士、需要拯救的女人和不光彩的恐怖分子。然而,这三张图片被不同的公众以不同的方式使用,它们有一个共同点:它们都是高度性化的。因此,他们所指和唤起的技术是针对库尔德妇女的性行为。尽管自由斗士的形象深受西方观众的喜爱,但使其成为可能的历史条件——库尔德妇女运动和武装斗争的历史——在很大程度上被忽视了。这张照片也忽略了库尔德政治运动本身的性问题的重要性。被拯救的妇女和不光彩的恐怖分子的照片在土耳其广为流传。他们建立在一种区分技术的基础上,这种技术试图挑出政治化的库尔德妇女,尤其是那些参加武装斗争的妇女,认为她们是不光彩的;因此对她们的性暴力是合法的。然而,被拯救的女性形象同样被性别化,因为它涉及库尔德妇女的生殖能力,这将通过各种政府技术来控制。文章的最后一个论点是,当存在阿甘本主义意义上的例外状态时,这种区分就会被保留下来,这两种形象开始重叠。这意味着暂停司法秩序、道德准则和日常道德行为,并使用技术将库尔德妇女视为可耻的恐怖分子,可以合法地对她们施加性暴力。
本文章由计算机程序翻译,如有差异,请以英文原文为准。
The Sexual Politics of War: Reading the Kurdish Conflict Through Images of Women
This article aims to dissect different representations of Kurdish women in order to illustrate how these representations correspond to different technologies of power. These three images are the joyful freedom fighter, the woman to be saved and the dishonourable terrorist. These three images, employed in contrast to each other differentially by different publics, however, have one thing in common: They are highly sexualised. Thus, the technologies they refer to and evoke address Kurdish women in their sexuality.While the image of the freedom fighter is much beloved by Western audiences, the historical conditions that have made it possible—the Kurdish women’s movement as well as the history of armed struggle—is largely overlooked. This image also brushes over the significance of the question of sexuality in the Kurdish political movement itself. The images of the woman to be saved and the dishonourable terrorist are in wide public circulation in Turkey. They build upon a technology of differentiation, which tries to single out politicised Kurdish women, and especially those who take part in armed struggle, as disgraced; therefore legitimizing sexual violence against them. The image of the woman to be saved is however equally sexualised, as it addresses Kurdish women in their reproductive capacities, which are to be controlled via various governmental technologies. The final argument of the article is that, when there is a state of exception in the Agambenian sense, this differentiation is held up and these two images start to overlap. This means a suspension of juridical order, ethical codes and everyday moral conduct, and use of technologies that address Kurdish women as a whole as dishonourable terrorists, upon whom sexual violence can be legitimately inflicted.
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