20世纪50年代后半期至60年代中期,农业和其他大学教师与乌克兰当局之间的关系

O. Bulgakova
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引用次数: 0

摘要

知识分子与当局关系问题的话题性源于现代教育的客观进程和高等教育不断发生的改革。本研究的目的在于厘清科学与教育知识分子与当局的关系。苏维埃乌克兰的知识分子依赖于当局,因为国家是垄断雇主。对科学和教育知识分子以及创造性职业人员的控制是通过加入共产党、创造性工会以及他们进一步参与负责任的项目来实现的。由于他们的宣传,教师的活动在很大程度上依赖于对共产党的忠诚。当局对高等教育工作者的高度重视也可以用这样一个事实来解释,即他们实际上是几乎整个苏联知识分子的技术人员的创造者。在极权主义类型的国家中,每个人的社会和职业观点只有在政治忠诚的条件下才有可能。教师的政治意识是通过在讲座、报告和出版物中忠实地引用共产党和苏联政权的数量来评估的。教师们的讲课内容每年速记两次,并测试他们的忠诚度。同样重要的是,在居民区、文化馆等地为普通民众讲授时事的公共功能。事实上,这是一个负荷,拒绝它将被视为反苏主义。然而,在这些严酷而规范的条件下,在与学生、家庭等的狭小交流圈中,一种知识分子对政治制度的非法的群众性批判观点诞生了,并在25年后发展为公开对抗和民主的胜利。
本文章由计算机程序翻译,如有差异,请以英文原文为准。
Relations between teachers of agricultural and other universities, and authorities of Ukraine during the second half of the 1950s - the middle of the 1960s
The topicality of the problem of relations between the intelligentsia and the authorities is due to the objective processes in modern education and the reforms that are constantly taking place in higher education. The purpose of this study is to clarify the relationship of the scientific and pedagogical intelligentsia with the authorities. The intelligentsia of Soviet Ukraine was dependent on the authorities because the state was the monopoly employer. Control over the scientific and pedagogical intelligentsia and people of creative professions took place through membership in the Communist Party, creative unions, and their further involvement in responsible projects. Due to their publicity the activities of the teaching staff largely depended on loyalty to the Communist Party. The high attention of the authorities to the workers of higher education is also explained by the fact that it was they who actually were the creators of the skilled personnel of almost the entire Soviet intelligentsia. In a state of a totalitarian type the social and professional perspective of each individual was possible only in conditions of political loyalty. The political consciousness of teachers was assessed by the volume of loyal references to the Communist Party and Soviet power in lectures, reports and publications. The teachers’ lectures were stenographed twice a year and tested for loyalty. Also important was the public function of lecturing on current events for the general population in residential areas, houses of culture, etc. In fact, it was a load the rejection of which would be considered as anti-Sovietism. Nevertheless, in these harsh and regulated conditions, in a narrow circle of communication with students, in families, etc. an illegal mass critical view of the intelligentsia on the political system was born, which, after 25 years, grew into an open confrontation and the victory of democracy.
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