变化中的尼日利亚的农民和城镇居民:殖民时期的Abakaliki(1905-1960)(回顾)

D. V. D. Bersselaar
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引用次数: 0

摘要

与Ngoni的渗透和后来Maji Maji的斗争有关,而不是与Mkwawa和Hehe霸权扩张主义有关,这是Njombe北部前殖民历史的特征。正是由于这一遗漏,《被排斥者的历史》未能以令人信服的细节解释乌贝纳南部Maji Maji的斗争——特别是在Yakobi Mission和Nyikamtwe(骷髅谷)的战斗。Ndembwela Ngunangwa在《非洲土著教育》(1988)一书中对wanikongwe军事学校被淡化的作用进行了很好的描述,这也是事实。参与这些战斗的人的后代的叙述本可以提供一个更全面的贝纳早期殖民抵抗和社会历史的画面。“公司内部的排斥”这一主题贯穿全书。有人认为,Njombe区“即使被纳入殖民经济也被边缘化”。在两个殖民政权下,该地区为矿山和种植园提供移徙劳工,同时实际上被排除在农业市场之外,无法获得医疗服务,无法接受教育,无法获得所有机会……(第1页)。人们想问,在没有其他发展倡议的情况下,在恩琼贝建立一个劳动力储备,是否真的是一种排斥行为,还是一种“无产阶级化”的合并行为。我认为这是一个被证明是失败的地区的“无产阶级化”的尝试。殖民资本主义渗透了传统的以家庭为导向、以资源为基础、仅能维持生存的“农民生产方式”,但并未显著改变。通过保留他们的土地和其他“生产资料”,农民在所谓的“私人家庭领域”中有一个“退出选择”,他们反对国家提出的地方发展目标,无论是殖民时期还是后殖民时期。尽管存在这些疑问,作者还是从挣扎的个人的角度重构和描述了社会变革的过程,做得非常出色。其结果是,一群人后来在坦桑尼亚当地的政治经济中形成了一个充满活力的中产阶级,这是一部具有启发性的社会历史。这是一位作者送给一个给他妻子的国家的一份有价值的礼物。
本文章由计算机程序翻译,如有差异,请以英文原文为准。
Farmers and Townspeople in a Changing Nigeria: Abakaliki during colonial times (1905–1960) (review)
related to the Ngoni penetration and later Maji Maji struggles than to Mkwawa and the Hehe hegemonic expansionism that is characteristic of the pre-colonial history of northern Njombe. It is due to this omission that A History of the Excluded fails to explain in convincing detail the Maji Maji struggles in southern Ubena – especially so for the battles at Yakobi Mission and the Nyikamtwe (the Valley of the Skull). The same is true of the downplayed role of the military school of the Wanyikongwe so well described by Ndembwela Ngunangwa in Indigenous African Education (1988). Narratives of the descendants of people who fought those battles could have provided a more rounded picture of the Bena’s early colonial resistance and social history. The theme of ‘exclusion within incorporation’ permeates the book. It is argued that Njombe District was ‘marginalized even as it was incorporated into the colonial economy’. Under the two colonial regimes the district provided migrant labour for the mines and plantations, while being effectively excluded from ‘agricultural markets, from access to medical services, from schooling – from all opportunity . . . to escape the impoverishing trap of migrant labour’ (p. 1). One would like to query whether the creation of a labour reserve in Njombe devoid of other development initiatives was really an act of exclusion or one of incorporation by ‘proletarianization’. I would argue this was an attempt at ‘proletarianization’ of a district that proved abortive. Colonial capitalism penetrated, but did not significantly alter, the traditional familyoriented, resource-based, subsistence-level ‘peasant mode of production’. By remaining with their land and other ‘means of production’, the peasantry had an ‘exit option’ within the so-called ‘private family sphere’ which they pitched against the local development goals posed by the state, both colonial and post-colonial. These doubts notwithstanding, the author(s) have done an excellent job in reconstructing and describing the process of social change from the perspective of struggling individuals. The result has been an illuminating social history of a group of people that would later come to form a dynamic middle class in a locally sourced political economy in Tanzania. It is a worthy present by one of the authors to a nation that has given him a wife.
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