强加的宪法和浪漫的宪法

David S. Law
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引用次数: 5

摘要

“强制宪法”的概念暗示了“强制”和“非强制”宪法之间的错误二分法。在一个部分是协商、部分是辩证法、部分是强制的过程中,宪法制定通常涉及多个作者、选区和叙述。这种参与者和过程的多样性使得“强加的”和“非强加的”宪法之间的区别非常武断。一方面,即使是表面上强加的宪法也能反映出相当程度的地方投入和影响。另一方面,强制和异化的因素可以说是所有宪法所特有的,无论它们是如何或在哪里制定的。其结果是一个不连贯和不稳定的概念。问题不仅仅是学者们不能就一个定义达成一致,或者存在相互竞争的定义,而是这个概念不能以一种合乎逻辑和一致的方式被定义和应用。这个概念的功能不是分析性的,也不是描述性的,而是修辞性的。“强加的宪法”标签是一种标准的去合法性叙事的修辞:它被用来作为叙事的一部分,说明为什么特定的宪法不值得接受、亲近或忠诚。通过诽谤一部宪法的起源来谴责这部宪法,从字面意义上讲,就是对宪法的诽谤。“强加的宪法”这个标签之所以具有这种贬损的力量,是因为它对宪法是什么以及宪法是如何产生的一种含糊不清的、广泛共享的、在描述上不准确的浪漫化。但现实情况是,围绕宪法制定的复杂政治不能简化为“强加”和“非强加”宪法之间的简单二分法。对于与修辞目的相反的描述性或分析性目的,需要区分的不是“强加的”和“非强加的”宪法,而是受益于浪漫化叙事的宪法和没有受益于浪漫化叙事的宪法。我们讲的一些关于宪法的故事是奉承的;另一些则不然。当围绕宪法的起源或特征的叙述不符合我们对宪法应该如何制定或应该做什么的理想化概念时,结果可能被称为“不浪漫的宪法”。相反,当主流叙事将宪法描述为地方性的、双方同意的起源和特征时,结果可能被称为“浪漫主义宪法”。这些叙述往往是简化的,如果不是不现实的话。但是,宪法叙事的重点——无论是浪漫化的还是去合法化的——是制造神话和政治说服,而不是描述的准确性。
本文章由计算机程序翻译,如有差异,请以英文原文为准。
Imposed constitutions and romantic constitutions
The concept of an “imposed constitution” implies a false dichotomy between “imposed” and “unimposed” constitutions. Constitution-making routinely implicates multiple authors, constituencies, and narratives in a process that is part negotiation, part dialectic, and part coercion. This multiplicity of participants and processes renders the distinction between “imposed” and “unimposed” constitutions highly arbitrary. On the one hand, even an ostensibly imposed constitution can reflect a considerable measure of local input and influence. On the other hand, elements of imposition and alienation are arguably endemic to all constitutions, regardless of how or where they are authored. The result is a concept that is incoherent and unstable. The problem is not simply that scholars cannot agree on a definition, or that there are competing definitions, but rather that the concept cannot be defined and applied in a logical and consistent manner. The function performed by the concept is not analytical or descriptive, but rhetorical. The “imposed constitution” label is a standard trope of delegitimating narratives: it is employed as part of a narrative about why a particular constitution is undeserving of acceptance, affinity, or allegiance. To condemn a constitution by casting aspersions upon its parentage is to employ, in a literal sense, a constitutional slur. The “imposed constitution” label possesses this pejorative power by dint of an inarticulate, widely shared, and descriptively inaccurate romanticization of what constitutions are and how they are created. But the reality is that the complex politics surrounding constitution-making cannot be reduced to a simple dichotomy between “imposed” and “unimposed” constitutions. For descriptive or analytical as opposed to rhetorical purposes, the distinction that needs to be drawn is not between “imposed” and “unimposed” constitutions, but rather between constitutions that benefit from a romanticizing narrative and those that do not. Some of the stories that we tell about constitutions are flattering; others are not. When the narrative surrounding the origins or character of a constitution does not fit our idealized notions of how constitutions are supposed to be made or what they are supposed to do, the result might be called an “unromantic constitution”. Conversely, when the prevailing narrative depicts the constitution as local and consensual in origin and character, the result might be called a “romantic constitution.” These narratives tend to be reductive, if not also unrealistic. But the point of constitutional narrative—whether of the romanticizing or delegitimating variety—is myth-making and political persuasion, not descriptive accuracy.
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