{"title":"国家的象征还是“黑色的东西”?文化旅游时代的古巴伦巴与种族政治","authors":"Rebecca M. Bodenheimer","doi":"10.5406/BLACMUSIRESEJ.33.2.0177","DOIUrl":null,"url":null,"abstract":"The Afro-Cuban music and dance genre rumba has historically been considered una cosa de negros (a black thing) and reviled due to racialized stereotypes that link the practice with el bajo mundo (the low life), excessive alcohol use, and violence. Nevertheless, the socialist Revolutionary government has sought to elevate rumba's status during the past half century as part of a larger goal of foregrounding and valorizing the African contributions to Cuban identity and culture. In addition to rumba's association with blackness, it is often portrayed as a particularly potent symbol of the masses and working-class identity, which constitutes another, perhaps more significant, reason why the Revolution has aimed to harness rumba to its cultural nationalist discourse. Finally, unlike Afro-Cuban religious practices, which until the early 1990s were heavily marginalized within the context of an official policy of \"scientific atheism,\" rumba is a secular practice. In short, it is the most significant and popular black-identified tradition on the island. In this article, I discuss the contemporary situation of rumba performance in various Cuban cities, highlighting the impact of the cultural tourism industry and arguing that it reinforces, with both positive and negative effects for musicians, the long-standing racialization of rumba as una cosa de negros. I believe that despite the discursive valorization of the practice found in much Cuban scholarship and political rhetoric, rumba continues to be identified with a particular and marginalized sector of the population. In many ways, the complex situation of rumba performance conforms to the more general trend of contemporary racial politics on the island. While it would be very difficult to prove that rumba faces racial bias in the era of cultural tourism, particularly as this would be a politically sensitive issue for an American researcher to raise with representatives of the Cuban state, my primary aim is to foreground the experiences and perceptions of musicians vis-a-vis the continuing racialization of rumba. Rumba's Place within the National Cultural Imaginary Primarily influenced by the instruments, rhythmic patterns, formal features, and dances from Central and West African traditions, rumba has always been a hybrid musical practice that also integrates elements of European melody and Spanish language and poetic forms. Rumba emerged as the main musical accompaniment for parties and secular festivities in poor black and racially mixed communities in western Cuba in the mid-to-late nineteenth century. Although a decidedly secular performance tradition, rumba was influenced by percussion ensembles and dances associated with both sacred and profane African traditions, primarily those of Bantu origin such as yuka and makuta (Leon 1991; Crook 1992). This close association with Afro-Cuban sacred practices stems from rumba's probable emergence within cabildos de nation (Martinez Rodriguez 1998), colonial-era mutual aid societies formed by Africans and their descendants whose official purpose was to orient newly arrived slaves to life in Cuba. Cabildos were formed principally along African ethnic lines--for example, the Lucumis (Yoruba) had their cabildo, the Congos (Bantu) had a separate one, and so on--although in practice there was a good deal of interethnic exchange within the societies (Delgado 2001). They also functioned as the primary venues for slaves and free blacks to continue practicing their musical and religious traditions and as a site of cultural exchange between Africans of different ethnic groups, creating the conditions for the emergence of syncretic genres such as rumba (Crook 1992). By the early twentieth century, cabildos had all but died out due to policies instituted after emancipation (1886), although there are still a few extant ones in different Cuban cities. Throughout the twentieth century, rumba occupied shifting positions within the cultural nationalist discourse. …","PeriodicalId":354930,"journal":{"name":"Black Music Research Journal","volume":"07 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0000,"publicationDate":"2013-09-22","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":"5","resultStr":"{\"title\":\"National Symbol or “a Black Thing”?: Rumba and Racial Politics in Cuba in the Era of Cultural Tourism\",\"authors\":\"Rebecca M. Bodenheimer\",\"doi\":\"10.5406/BLACMUSIRESEJ.33.2.0177\",\"DOIUrl\":null,\"url\":null,\"abstract\":\"The Afro-Cuban music and dance genre rumba has historically been considered una cosa de negros (a black thing) and reviled due to racialized stereotypes that link the practice with el bajo mundo (the low life), excessive alcohol use, and violence. Nevertheless, the socialist Revolutionary government has sought to elevate rumba's status during the past half century as part of a larger goal of foregrounding and valorizing the African contributions to Cuban identity and culture. In addition to rumba's association with blackness, it is often portrayed as a particularly potent symbol of the masses and working-class identity, which constitutes another, perhaps more significant, reason why the Revolution has aimed to harness rumba to its cultural nationalist discourse. Finally, unlike Afro-Cuban religious practices, which until the early 1990s were heavily marginalized within the context of an official policy of \\\"scientific atheism,\\\" rumba is a secular practice. In short, it is the most significant and popular black-identified tradition on the island. In this article, I discuss the contemporary situation of rumba performance in various Cuban cities, highlighting the impact of the cultural tourism industry and arguing that it reinforces, with both positive and negative effects for musicians, the long-standing racialization of rumba as una cosa de negros. I believe that despite the discursive valorization of the practice found in much Cuban scholarship and political rhetoric, rumba continues to be identified with a particular and marginalized sector of the population. In many ways, the complex situation of rumba performance conforms to the more general trend of contemporary racial politics on the island. While it would be very difficult to prove that rumba faces racial bias in the era of cultural tourism, particularly as this would be a politically sensitive issue for an American researcher to raise with representatives of the Cuban state, my primary aim is to foreground the experiences and perceptions of musicians vis-a-vis the continuing racialization of rumba. Rumba's Place within the National Cultural Imaginary Primarily influenced by the instruments, rhythmic patterns, formal features, and dances from Central and West African traditions, rumba has always been a hybrid musical practice that also integrates elements of European melody and Spanish language and poetic forms. Rumba emerged as the main musical accompaniment for parties and secular festivities in poor black and racially mixed communities in western Cuba in the mid-to-late nineteenth century. Although a decidedly secular performance tradition, rumba was influenced by percussion ensembles and dances associated with both sacred and profane African traditions, primarily those of Bantu origin such as yuka and makuta (Leon 1991; Crook 1992). This close association with Afro-Cuban sacred practices stems from rumba's probable emergence within cabildos de nation (Martinez Rodriguez 1998), colonial-era mutual aid societies formed by Africans and their descendants whose official purpose was to orient newly arrived slaves to life in Cuba. Cabildos were formed principally along African ethnic lines--for example, the Lucumis (Yoruba) had their cabildo, the Congos (Bantu) had a separate one, and so on--although in practice there was a good deal of interethnic exchange within the societies (Delgado 2001). They also functioned as the primary venues for slaves and free blacks to continue practicing their musical and religious traditions and as a site of cultural exchange between Africans of different ethnic groups, creating the conditions for the emergence of syncretic genres such as rumba (Crook 1992). By the early twentieth century, cabildos had all but died out due to policies instituted after emancipation (1886), although there are still a few extant ones in different Cuban cities. 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引用次数: 5
摘要
非洲裔古巴人的音乐和舞蹈流派伦巴在历史上被认为是una cosa de negros(黑人的东西),并因将这种做法与el bajo mundo(下层生活)、过度饮酒和暴力联系在一起的种族化刻板印象而受到谴责。然而,在过去的半个世纪里,社会革命政府一直在寻求提升伦巴的地位,作为非洲对古巴身份和文化贡献的前景和价值的更大目标的一部分。除了伦巴与黑人的联系之外,它还经常被描绘成大众和工人阶级身份的一个特别有力的象征,这构成了革命旨在利用伦巴作为其文化民族主义话语的另一个可能更重要的原因。最后,与直到20世纪90年代初在官方“科学无神论”政策背景下被严重边缘化的非裔古巴人的宗教活动不同,伦巴是一种世俗的活动。简而言之,这是岛上最重要、最受欢迎的黑人传统。在这篇文章中,我讨论了古巴各城市伦巴表演的当代情况,强调了文化旅游产业的影响,并认为它对音乐家的积极和消极影响都加强了伦巴作为una cosa de negros的长期种族化。我认为,尽管在许多古巴学术和政治言论中都对伦巴进行了口头赞扬,但伦巴仍然被认为是人口中一个特殊和边缘化的部分。在许多方面,伦巴表演的复杂情况符合当代岛上种族政治的总体趋势。虽然很难证明伦巴在文化旅游时代面临种族偏见,特别是因为这将是一个政治敏感问题,美国研究人员向古巴国家代表提出,我的主要目的是突出音乐家的经验和看法,面对伦巴的持续种族化。伦巴在国家文化想象中的地位主要受中非和西非传统乐器、节奏模式、形式特征和舞蹈的影响,伦巴一直是一种混合音乐实践,也融合了欧洲旋律、西班牙语和诗歌形式的元素。19世纪中后期,在古巴西部贫穷的黑人和种族混合社区,伦巴成为派对和世俗庆祝活动的主要音乐伴奏。虽然伦巴显然是一种世俗的表演传统,但它受到与神圣和世俗的非洲传统有关的打击乐合奏和舞蹈的影响,主要是班图族的舞蹈,如yuka和makuta (Leon 1991;骗子1992)。这种与非裔古巴人神圣习俗的密切联系可能源于伦巴在cabildos de nation(马丁内斯·罗德里格斯,1998)中出现的可能性。cabildos de nation是殖民时期由非洲人及其后代组成的互助协会,其官方目的是让新来的奴隶适应古巴的生活。卡比尔多主要是按照非洲民族的界线形成的——例如,Lucumis(约鲁巴人)有他们的卡比尔多,刚果人(班图人)有一个单独的卡比尔多,等等——尽管在实践中,社会内部有大量的种族间交流(Delgado 2001)。它们也是奴隶和自由黑人继续实践他们的音乐和宗教传统的主要场所,也是不同种族的非洲人之间文化交流的场所,为伦巴等融合类型的出现创造了条件(Crook 1992)。到20世纪初,由于解放后(1886年)制定的政策,卡布尔多斯几乎消失了,尽管在古巴不同的城市仍然有一些现存的卡布尔多斯。在整个二十世纪,伦巴在文化民族主义话语中占据了不断变化的位置。…
National Symbol or “a Black Thing”?: Rumba and Racial Politics in Cuba in the Era of Cultural Tourism
The Afro-Cuban music and dance genre rumba has historically been considered una cosa de negros (a black thing) and reviled due to racialized stereotypes that link the practice with el bajo mundo (the low life), excessive alcohol use, and violence. Nevertheless, the socialist Revolutionary government has sought to elevate rumba's status during the past half century as part of a larger goal of foregrounding and valorizing the African contributions to Cuban identity and culture. In addition to rumba's association with blackness, it is often portrayed as a particularly potent symbol of the masses and working-class identity, which constitutes another, perhaps more significant, reason why the Revolution has aimed to harness rumba to its cultural nationalist discourse. Finally, unlike Afro-Cuban religious practices, which until the early 1990s were heavily marginalized within the context of an official policy of "scientific atheism," rumba is a secular practice. In short, it is the most significant and popular black-identified tradition on the island. In this article, I discuss the contemporary situation of rumba performance in various Cuban cities, highlighting the impact of the cultural tourism industry and arguing that it reinforces, with both positive and negative effects for musicians, the long-standing racialization of rumba as una cosa de negros. I believe that despite the discursive valorization of the practice found in much Cuban scholarship and political rhetoric, rumba continues to be identified with a particular and marginalized sector of the population. In many ways, the complex situation of rumba performance conforms to the more general trend of contemporary racial politics on the island. While it would be very difficult to prove that rumba faces racial bias in the era of cultural tourism, particularly as this would be a politically sensitive issue for an American researcher to raise with representatives of the Cuban state, my primary aim is to foreground the experiences and perceptions of musicians vis-a-vis the continuing racialization of rumba. Rumba's Place within the National Cultural Imaginary Primarily influenced by the instruments, rhythmic patterns, formal features, and dances from Central and West African traditions, rumba has always been a hybrid musical practice that also integrates elements of European melody and Spanish language and poetic forms. Rumba emerged as the main musical accompaniment for parties and secular festivities in poor black and racially mixed communities in western Cuba in the mid-to-late nineteenth century. Although a decidedly secular performance tradition, rumba was influenced by percussion ensembles and dances associated with both sacred and profane African traditions, primarily those of Bantu origin such as yuka and makuta (Leon 1991; Crook 1992). This close association with Afro-Cuban sacred practices stems from rumba's probable emergence within cabildos de nation (Martinez Rodriguez 1998), colonial-era mutual aid societies formed by Africans and their descendants whose official purpose was to orient newly arrived slaves to life in Cuba. Cabildos were formed principally along African ethnic lines--for example, the Lucumis (Yoruba) had their cabildo, the Congos (Bantu) had a separate one, and so on--although in practice there was a good deal of interethnic exchange within the societies (Delgado 2001). They also functioned as the primary venues for slaves and free blacks to continue practicing their musical and religious traditions and as a site of cultural exchange between Africans of different ethnic groups, creating the conditions for the emergence of syncretic genres such as rumba (Crook 1992). By the early twentieth century, cabildos had all but died out due to policies instituted after emancipation (1886), although there are still a few extant ones in different Cuban cities. Throughout the twentieth century, rumba occupied shifting positions within the cultural nationalist discourse. …