宗教、意识形态和对非暴力革命斗争的支持:20世纪70 - 80年代阿根廷、智利和萨尔瓦多天主教领袖的比较

Sharon Erickson Nepstad
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引用次数: 1

摘要

在这一章中,我研究了宗教如何作为一种意识形态,有能力将持有不同政治立场的相同信仰的人联系起来。在Williams的著作(1996)的基础上,我提出,当宗教诊断社会冲突的根源、提出解决方案并为行动辩护时,它作为一种意识形态发挥作用。然而,宗教意识形态诉求并不总是有效地弥合政治分歧。因此,本研究的关键问题是:在什么样的社会条件下,基于宗教的意识形态呼吁能够有效地赢得人们对社会和政治运动的支持?为了解决这个问题,我研究了宗教领袖与拉丁美洲旨在非暴力推翻独裁国家的运动之间的关系。我特别分析了导致一些宗教精英支持革命而另一些人支持现任政权的条件。使用比较历史的方法,我分析了天主教会等级在20世纪70年代至80年代在智利(教会反对独裁),阿根廷(教会在很大程度上支持政权)和萨尔瓦多(教会等级分裂)的不同政治立场。我认为,当宗教机构没有从政权那里获得经济或政治利益,当领袖与受侵害的人有关系时,对宗教领袖支持的意识形态呼吁是最有效的。有两个因素对决定是否忠于国家产生了复杂的影响;其中包括激进武装侧翼的存在,以及政府不分青红皂白的镇压。
本文章由计算机程序翻译,如有差异,请以英文原文为准。
Religion, Ideology, and Support for Nonviolent Revolutionary Struggles: A Comparison of Catholic Leaders in Argentina, Chile, and El Salvador in the 1970s–1980s
In this chapter, I examine how religion can serve as an ideology that has the capacity to bridge people of the same faith who hold divergent political stances. Building on Williams’ work (1996), I propose that religion operates as an ideology when it diagnoses the source of social conflicts, proposes solutions, and justifies action. Yet religious ideological appeals are not always effective at bridging political divides. Thus the key question of this study is: under what social conditions are religiously-based ideological appeals effective at winning people’s support for social and political movements? To address this, I examine the relationship of religious leaders to Latin American movements that aimed to nonviolently overthrow authoritarian states. In particular, I analyze the conditions that led some religious elites to become pro-revolution while others sided with the incumbent regime. Using comparative historical methods, I analyze the different political stances of the Catholic Church hierarchy in the 1970s–1980s in Chile (where the church opposed the dictatorship), Argentina (where the church was largely supportive of the regime), and El Salvador (where the church hierarchy was divided). I argue that ideological appeals for religious leaders’ support are most effective when the religious institution receives no financial or political benefits from the regime and when leaders have relational ties to the aggrieved. Two factors had mixed effects on the decision to remain loyal to the state or not; these include the presence of an armed radical flank, and the state’s use of indiscriminate repression.
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