准主权作为俄罗斯联邦扩张政策的工具的历史回顾

Anastasiia Ivanova
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引用次数: 0

摘要

本文概述了历史上用于使俄罗斯联邦扩张主义政策合法化和合法化的手段。它强调,基本上,它们是(伪)法律文书- -模仿某些法律形式的外部特征的形式和手段,以便创造一种社会和法律现实的拟像,并用它们代替法律制度。这种拟像主要提供了对人民自决权的模仿,其目的是模拟其实现,并在三个层面上发生:主体-一个想象共同体的形成,人民的拟像;行动——举行伪全民公决;结果-模拟脱离的过程,宣布共和国的程序和随后正式的“主权声明”。建立准主权的“傀儡”共和国来实现某些政治目标,而不是正式宣布,从一开始就被苏联用于政治目的。后者可以用苏联历史上的例子来说明,即在乌克兰苏维埃社会主义共和国内建立的摩尔多瓦自治共和国。创建这个组织的决定是由共产主义势力在幕后做出的,并得到了乌克兰和莫斯科最高共产党机构的同意,他们之间关于组织形式的争议由莫斯科共产党单方面解决,这进一步证明了乌克兰苏维埃当局在苏联的非主权。成立的目的是外交政策(希望加入罗马尼亚的巴萨比亚)和国内政策(加强苏联在该地区的势力)。只有在这些批准之后,共和国才通过民主当局-全乌克兰中央执行委员会于1924年10月12日在哈尔科夫作出的决定而合法成立。直到1925年4月19日至23日,第一次全摩尔多瓦苏维埃代表大会才召开。乌克兰苏维埃社会主义共和国宪法已经提到摩尔多瓦自治的建立,即乌克兰苏维埃社会主义共和国与摩尔多瓦人民在承认所有民族自决权利的基础上的统一。作者认为,利用伪法律的形式和手段使扩张主义政策合法化和合法化是苏联和现代俄罗斯的共同手段;在历史上的任何先例中,苏联和俄罗斯当局都没有承担直接管理被占领土的责任,而是通过模仿人民意愿的代理人和合作者进行调解。作者的结论是,广泛使用伪法律形式可以称为苏联扩张主义政策的一个特点,现在是俄罗斯当局在试图使实际上是占领的行动合法化和合法化时的一个特点。值得注意的是,只有在有当地居民,其中一些人忠于占领国的政策或具有双重忠诚和身份的情况下,才有可能使用这种具体形式的合法化和合法化。这就解释了这种伪法律手段在前苏联领土上的传播和可行性,在这个国家,几代人的人口中培养了双重忠诚和身份。作者强调指出,俄罗斯联邦这种具体占领实践的先决条件比军事占领本身早得多,即共同的信息空间、共同的语言和记忆实践以及共同的文化空间。乌克兰的新闻政策也应考虑到这一点,作为对俄罗斯占领行径的全面反应的一部分。关键词:主权,准主权,伪共和国,分离,乌克兰,苏联,合法化,合法化。
本文章由计算机程序翻译,如有差异,请以英文原文为准。
Quasi-sovereignity as an instrument of the expansionist policy of the RF in historical retrospect
The article provides a general overview of the means used to legalize and legitimize the expansionist policy of the Russian Federation through the history. It is emphasized that, basically, they are (pseudo) legal instruments - forms and means that imitate the external features of certain legal forms in order to create a simulacrum of social and legal reality and substitute them for legal institutions. Such a simulacrum is provided mainly with the imitation of the right of the people for self-determination, which is intended to simulate its realization and which takes place on three planes: subject – formation of an imaginary community, a simulacrum of the people; action – holding a pseudo-referendum; result – simulation of the secession process, of the procedure for proclaiming republics with the subsequent formal “declaration of sovereignty”. The creation of quasi-sovereign “puppet” republics to achieve certain political goals other than officially declared has been used by the USSR for political purposes since the very beginning. The latter is illustrated by examples from the history of the USSR, namely the creation of the Moldavian Autonomous Republic within the Ukrainian SSR. The decision to create it was made behind the scenes by communist forces, agreed upon by the highest communist party bodies of Ukraine and Moscow, and the dispute that arose between them over the organizational form was resolved unilaterally by the Moscow Communist Party, which further demonstrates the non-sovereignty of the Ukrainian Soviet authorities in the USSR. The purpose of the formation was foreign policy (the prospect of joining Romanian Basarabia) and domestic policy (strengthening Soviet power in the region). Only after these approvals did the republic become legally established, through a decision made by the democratic authorities - the All-Ukrainian Central Executive Committee on October 12, 1924, in Kharkiv. It was only on April, 19-23, 1925, that the 1st All-Moldovan Congress of Soviets took place. The Constitution of the Ukrainian SSR already referred to the establishment of Moldovan autonomy as the unification of the Ukrainian SSR with the Moldovan people on the basis of recognition of the right of all nations to self-determination. The author believes that the use of pseudo-legal forms and means to legitimize and legalize expansionist policies was a common means of the USSR and modern Russia; in none of the historical precedents did the Soviets and Russian authorities take responsibility for the direct management of the occupied territories, carrying it out through the mediation of agents and collaborators who imitated the people’s will. The author concludes that the widespread use of pseudo-legal forms can be called a characteristic feature of the expansionist policy of the Soviet and now the Russian authorities when trying to legalize and legitimize actions that are in fact occupations. It is worth noting that the use of such specific forms of legalization and legitimation is possible only if there is a local population, some of which is loyal to the policies of the occupying power or has dual loyalties and identities. This explains the spread and viability of such pseudo-legal means in the territory of the former USSR, a state where dual loyalty and identity have been nurtured in the population for several generations. The author emphases that the prerequisites for such a specific occupation practice of the Russian Federation are laid down much earlier than the military occupation itself –by a common information space, common language and memory practices, and acommon cultural space. This should also be taken into account in Ukraine’s information policy as part of a comprehensive response to Russia’s occupationpractices. Key words: sovereignty, quasi-sovereignty, pseudo-republics, secession, Ukraine, USSR, legitimation, legalization.
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