评述弗里德里希·迈内克:《马基雅维利主义:关于 的理由的学说及其在现代历史中的地位》(伦敦:劳特利奇和基根·保罗出版社,1957年)

M. Wight
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引用次数: 0

摘要

怀特赞扬Meinecke的死亡观念der Staatsrason,翻译成马基雅弗利主义:原则存在政变及其在现代历史上,作为“任何国际关系最重要和持久的书出版于1920年代,也许之间的战争”。怀特写道:“这是一篇关于人类思想史学的文章,它研究了马基雅维利的原则是如何渗透到欧洲的治国之道的,那些极力否定他的思想家和政治家是如何发现有必要借鉴他的,以及从理塞留到俾斯麦,这些伟大的政治家们是如何发展到被1918年无知的大众激情所淹没的。”怀特观察到,迈内克专注于(用迈内克的话说)“通过马基雅维利主义的媒介进入历史生活的悲剧性二元性——它所包含的毒药和治疗力量的不可分割和致命的结合”。此外,怀特补充说,“必要性”和“道德传统”之间的紧张关系已被一些政治家视为“国际政治的核心经验”。怀特指出,“尽管迈内克在纳粹统治下光荣退休,但他还是受到了德国异端的影响,即把国家权力理想化,并宿命地放弃个人责任。”然而,在19世纪瑞士或英国的安全环境中,伯克哈特或阿克顿这样的人更容易毫无保留地谴责权力是邪恶的。”
本文章由计算机程序翻译,如有差异,请以英文原文为准。
Review of Friedrich Meinecke, Machiavellism: The Doctrine of Raison d’état and its Place in Modern History (London: Routledge & Kegan Paul, 1957)
Wight praised Meinecke’s Die Idee der Staatsräson, translated as Machiavellism: The Doctrine of Raison d’état and its Place in Modern History, as ‘by any odds the most important and enduring book on international relations published in the 1920s, and perhaps between the wars’. It is, Wight wrote, ‘an essay in the historiography of human thought, a study of how Machiavelli’s principles infiltrated into European statecraft, how thinkers and politicians who most strenuously repudiated him found it necessary to borrow from him, and how the idea of raison d’état developed to guide the greatest statesmen from Richelieu to Bismarck, until it was swamped by the ignorant popular passions of 1918’. Meinecke was preoccupied, Wight observed, with (in Meinecke’s words) ‘that tragic duality which came into historical life through the medium of Machiavellism—that indivisible and fateful combination of poison and curative power which it contained’. Moreover, Wight added, the tension between ‘necessity’ and ‘moral traditions’ has been recognized by some statesmen ‘as the central experience of international politics’. Wight noted that ‘Meinecke, despite his honourable retirement under the Nazis, was infected with the German heresy of idealizing State power and fatalistically abdicating personal responsibility. … Yet it was easier for a Burckhardt or an Acton, in the security of nineteenth-century Switzerland or Britain, to condemn power as evil without qualification.’
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