女性的凝视,第二部分:女人看男人

A. Chase
{"title":"女性的凝视,第二部分:女人看男人","authors":"A. Chase","doi":"10.1525/AFT.2016.44.3.34","DOIUrl":null,"url":null,"abstract":"The Female Gaze, Part Two: Women Look at Men CHEIM & READ NEW YORK CITY JUNE 23-AUGUST 31, 2016 Artists have always flattered those with the most power--and money--by giving them what they desire to view, and for most of Western history it has been white heteropatriarchy that has been in control. A wise cultural critic would say it's therefore no surprise that many of the images made by and for men are of desirable women. But hindsight is 20/20, and it's only due to some smart deconstructionist theory that we now understand the complex politics of \"looking.\" In 1972, John Berger illustrated how a culture's \"ways of seeing\" are determined to a large degree by dominant social groups' subject positions and experiences. Drawing a direct expressive parallel between Jean-Auguste-Dominique Ingres's La Grande Odalisque (1814) and a Playboy pin-up, Berger opined that the essential way of seeing women, the essential use to which their images are put, has not changed. Women are depicted in a quite different way from men--not because the feminine is different from the masculine--but because the \"ideal\" spectator is always assumed to be male and the image of the woman is designed to flatter him. (1) Three years later, Laura Mulvey furthered Berger's ideas in her psychoanalytically grounded essay \"Visual Pleasure and Narrative Cinema\" (1975). Mulvey posited that mainstream cinema was centered upon the dualistic paradigm of \"active/male\" and \"passive/female,\" ultimately making women the object of the \"controlling male gaze.\" The idea that men do the looking and women are there to be looked at wasn't novel, but it was finally exposed for the social construct it is. Michel Foucault summed it up later that decade with his theories on surveillance, linking the \"inspecting gaze\" to power. In the intervening thirty years, academics have built upon and challenged these ideas, but always conceded that looking is inextricably bound to power. It seemed curious, then, that in the 2009 exhibition The Female Gaze: Women Look at Women, curator John Cheim conjectured that a female artist's gaze is somehow different from a male's. The press release stated that the group show would \"debunk the notion of the male gaze by providing ... works in which the artist and subject do not relate as 'voyeur' and 'object,' but as woman and woman.\" Basing an exhibition on artists' gender identities is itself a perilous endeavor, but the presumption that there is no power dynamic simply because both artist and subject are women was naive at best, and willfully essentialist at worst. One such example from the 2009 show, Lisa Yuskavage's Heart (1996-97), in which a masturbating, pig-faced nude floats in a vacuous pink halo, certainly insinuates that women are more than capable of objectifying other women. It's even more problematic when the curator ignores the complexities of spectatorship. In that same exhibition, Sally Mann's Venus After School (1992), in which her pubescent daughter reclines a la Renaissance odalisque, also fouled Cheim's thesis. The photograph was taken by the subject's mother, but through the eyes of the heterosexual male gaze its subject could still be read as a tempting Lolita. [ILLUSTRATION OMITTED] Unfortunately, The Female Gaze, Part Two: Women Look at Men didn't fare much better in its presentation of the gaze, spectatorship, and power. It begged more or less the same question about the thirty-eight pieces on view that it asked in its earlier iteration: \"Would we react differently to these works if they were made by a man?\" Well, the pat answer is yes, because stereotypes run deep and rampant, but why we would react differently is never contested. The show did claim to \"directly address gender and sexuality,\" but such simplistic phrasing in a summer of uproar over transgendered bathrooms ended up seeming intellectually lazy. Make no mistake: this was a phenomenal line-up of artistic talent, skill, and sagacity, and it was a pleasure to see so many works by women in one space. …","PeriodicalId":443446,"journal":{"name":"Comparative Technology Transfer and Society","volume":"41 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0000,"publicationDate":"2016-11-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":"0","resultStr":"{\"title\":\"The Female Gaze, Part Two: Women Look at Men\",\"authors\":\"A. Chase\",\"doi\":\"10.1525/AFT.2016.44.3.34\",\"DOIUrl\":null,\"url\":null,\"abstract\":\"The Female Gaze, Part Two: Women Look at Men CHEIM & READ NEW YORK CITY JUNE 23-AUGUST 31, 2016 Artists have always flattered those with the most power--and money--by giving them what they desire to view, and for most of Western history it has been white heteropatriarchy that has been in control. A wise cultural critic would say it's therefore no surprise that many of the images made by and for men are of desirable women. But hindsight is 20/20, and it's only due to some smart deconstructionist theory that we now understand the complex politics of \\\"looking.\\\" In 1972, John Berger illustrated how a culture's \\\"ways of seeing\\\" are determined to a large degree by dominant social groups' subject positions and experiences. Drawing a direct expressive parallel between Jean-Auguste-Dominique Ingres's La Grande Odalisque (1814) and a Playboy pin-up, Berger opined that the essential way of seeing women, the essential use to which their images are put, has not changed. Women are depicted in a quite different way from men--not because the feminine is different from the masculine--but because the \\\"ideal\\\" spectator is always assumed to be male and the image of the woman is designed to flatter him. (1) Three years later, Laura Mulvey furthered Berger's ideas in her psychoanalytically grounded essay \\\"Visual Pleasure and Narrative Cinema\\\" (1975). Mulvey posited that mainstream cinema was centered upon the dualistic paradigm of \\\"active/male\\\" and \\\"passive/female,\\\" ultimately making women the object of the \\\"controlling male gaze.\\\" The idea that men do the looking and women are there to be looked at wasn't novel, but it was finally exposed for the social construct it is. Michel Foucault summed it up later that decade with his theories on surveillance, linking the \\\"inspecting gaze\\\" to power. In the intervening thirty years, academics have built upon and challenged these ideas, but always conceded that looking is inextricably bound to power. It seemed curious, then, that in the 2009 exhibition The Female Gaze: Women Look at Women, curator John Cheim conjectured that a female artist's gaze is somehow different from a male's. The press release stated that the group show would \\\"debunk the notion of the male gaze by providing ... works in which the artist and subject do not relate as 'voyeur' and 'object,' but as woman and woman.\\\" Basing an exhibition on artists' gender identities is itself a perilous endeavor, but the presumption that there is no power dynamic simply because both artist and subject are women was naive at best, and willfully essentialist at worst. One such example from the 2009 show, Lisa Yuskavage's Heart (1996-97), in which a masturbating, pig-faced nude floats in a vacuous pink halo, certainly insinuates that women are more than capable of objectifying other women. It's even more problematic when the curator ignores the complexities of spectatorship. In that same exhibition, Sally Mann's Venus After School (1992), in which her pubescent daughter reclines a la Renaissance odalisque, also fouled Cheim's thesis. The photograph was taken by the subject's mother, but through the eyes of the heterosexual male gaze its subject could still be read as a tempting Lolita. [ILLUSTRATION OMITTED] Unfortunately, The Female Gaze, Part Two: Women Look at Men didn't fare much better in its presentation of the gaze, spectatorship, and power. It begged more or less the same question about the thirty-eight pieces on view that it asked in its earlier iteration: \\\"Would we react differently to these works if they were made by a man?\\\" Well, the pat answer is yes, because stereotypes run deep and rampant, but why we would react differently is never contested. The show did claim to \\\"directly address gender and sexuality,\\\" but such simplistic phrasing in a summer of uproar over transgendered bathrooms ended up seeming intellectually lazy. 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引用次数: 0

摘要

艺术家们总是通过给那些最有权力和金钱的人提供他们想看的东西来讨好他们,在西方历史的大部分时间里,一直是白人异性恋父权制在控制着他们。一位明智的文化评论家会说,因此,许多由男性制作或为男性制作的图像都是迷人的女性,这并不奇怪。但事后诸葛亮,正是由于一些聪明的解构主义理论,我们现在才理解了“看”的复杂政治。1972年,约翰·伯杰(John Berger)阐述了一种文化的“观察方式”在很大程度上是由占主导地位的社会群体的主体地位和经历决定的。伯杰把让-奥古斯特-多米尼克·安格尔(Jean-Auguste-Dominique Ingres)的《大淑女》(La Grande Odalisque, 1814)与《花花公子》(Playboy)的一幅海报画作了直接的类比,认为人们看待女性的基本方式,以及女性形象的基本用途,并没有改变。女性的描绘方式与男性截然不同——不是因为女性与男性不同——而是因为“理想的”观众总是被认为是男性,而女性的形象是为了讨好他而设计的。(1)三年后,劳拉·穆尔维在她以精神分析为基础的论文《视觉愉悦与叙事电影》(1975)中进一步深化了伯杰的思想。穆尔维认为,主流电影以“主动/男性”和“被动/女性”的二元范式为中心,最终使女性成为“控制男性目光”的对象。男人在看,女人在那里被看的想法并不新奇,但它最终暴露了它的社会结构。米歇尔·福柯(Michel Foucault)在那个年代后期用他的监视理论总结了这一点,将“检查的目光”与权力联系起来。在这中间的三十年里,学者们建立并挑战了这些观点,但总是承认外表与权力有着不可分割的联系。在2009年的展览《女性凝视:女性看女性》(the Female Gaze: Women Look at Women)中,策展人约翰·谢姆(John cheem)推测,女性艺术家的凝视与男性艺术家的凝视在某种程度上有所不同,这似乎很奇怪。新闻稿称,群展将“揭穿男性凝视的观念,提供……在这些作品中,艺术家和主体不是‘偷窥者’和‘客体’,而是女人和女人。”把展览建立在艺术家的性别身份上,本身就是一种危险的尝试,但是,仅仅因为艺术家和主题都是女性就认为没有权力动态的假设,往好了说,是天真的,往坏了说,是故意的本质主义。在2009年的展览中,丽莎·尤斯卡瓦奇(Lisa Yuskavage)的《心》(Heart, 1996-97)就是这样一个例子,在这个展览中,一个自慰的、猪脸的裸体者漂浮在空洞的粉色光环中,当然暗示了女人比物化其他女人更有能力。当策展人忽视观众的复杂性时,问题就更大了。在同一场展览中,莎莉·曼的《放学后的维纳斯》(1992),画中她青春期的女儿像文艺复兴时期的少女一样斜倚着,也与凯姆的论文相悖。这张照片是由拍摄对象的母亲拍摄的,但通过异性恋男性的目光,照片中的对象仍然可以被解读为一个诱人的洛丽塔。不幸的是,《女性注视》第二部分:女性注视男性在凝视、旁观和权力的表现上并没有表现得更好。对于展出的38件作品,它提出了一个或多或少与之前相同的问题:“如果这些作品是由男性创作的,我们会有不同的反应吗?”正确的答案是肯定的,因为刻板印象根深蒂固,但我们为什么会有不同的反应从来没有争议过。这部剧确实声称要“直接讨论性别和性取向”,但在变性人卫生间引发轩然大波的夏天,这种过于简单化的措辞最终显得在智力上很懒惰。毫无疑问:这是一场非凡的艺术才华、技巧和睿智的展览,在一个空间里看到这么多女性的作品是一件令人愉快的事情。…
本文章由计算机程序翻译,如有差异,请以英文原文为准。
The Female Gaze, Part Two: Women Look at Men
The Female Gaze, Part Two: Women Look at Men CHEIM & READ NEW YORK CITY JUNE 23-AUGUST 31, 2016 Artists have always flattered those with the most power--and money--by giving them what they desire to view, and for most of Western history it has been white heteropatriarchy that has been in control. A wise cultural critic would say it's therefore no surprise that many of the images made by and for men are of desirable women. But hindsight is 20/20, and it's only due to some smart deconstructionist theory that we now understand the complex politics of "looking." In 1972, John Berger illustrated how a culture's "ways of seeing" are determined to a large degree by dominant social groups' subject positions and experiences. Drawing a direct expressive parallel between Jean-Auguste-Dominique Ingres's La Grande Odalisque (1814) and a Playboy pin-up, Berger opined that the essential way of seeing women, the essential use to which their images are put, has not changed. Women are depicted in a quite different way from men--not because the feminine is different from the masculine--but because the "ideal" spectator is always assumed to be male and the image of the woman is designed to flatter him. (1) Three years later, Laura Mulvey furthered Berger's ideas in her psychoanalytically grounded essay "Visual Pleasure and Narrative Cinema" (1975). Mulvey posited that mainstream cinema was centered upon the dualistic paradigm of "active/male" and "passive/female," ultimately making women the object of the "controlling male gaze." The idea that men do the looking and women are there to be looked at wasn't novel, but it was finally exposed for the social construct it is. Michel Foucault summed it up later that decade with his theories on surveillance, linking the "inspecting gaze" to power. In the intervening thirty years, academics have built upon and challenged these ideas, but always conceded that looking is inextricably bound to power. It seemed curious, then, that in the 2009 exhibition The Female Gaze: Women Look at Women, curator John Cheim conjectured that a female artist's gaze is somehow different from a male's. The press release stated that the group show would "debunk the notion of the male gaze by providing ... works in which the artist and subject do not relate as 'voyeur' and 'object,' but as woman and woman." Basing an exhibition on artists' gender identities is itself a perilous endeavor, but the presumption that there is no power dynamic simply because both artist and subject are women was naive at best, and willfully essentialist at worst. One such example from the 2009 show, Lisa Yuskavage's Heart (1996-97), in which a masturbating, pig-faced nude floats in a vacuous pink halo, certainly insinuates that women are more than capable of objectifying other women. It's even more problematic when the curator ignores the complexities of spectatorship. In that same exhibition, Sally Mann's Venus After School (1992), in which her pubescent daughter reclines a la Renaissance odalisque, also fouled Cheim's thesis. The photograph was taken by the subject's mother, but through the eyes of the heterosexual male gaze its subject could still be read as a tempting Lolita. [ILLUSTRATION OMITTED] Unfortunately, The Female Gaze, Part Two: Women Look at Men didn't fare much better in its presentation of the gaze, spectatorship, and power. It begged more or less the same question about the thirty-eight pieces on view that it asked in its earlier iteration: "Would we react differently to these works if they were made by a man?" Well, the pat answer is yes, because stereotypes run deep and rampant, but why we would react differently is never contested. The show did claim to "directly address gender and sexuality," but such simplistic phrasing in a summer of uproar over transgendered bathrooms ended up seeming intellectually lazy. Make no mistake: this was a phenomenal line-up of artistic talent, skill, and sagacity, and it was a pleasure to see so many works by women in one space. …
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