意大利的安全和国防政策:在欧盟和美国之间,还是只有普罗迪和贝卢斯科尼?

A. Missiroli
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引用次数: 13

摘要

冷战的结束是否导致了意大利“第一共和国”的终结?如果是的话,究竟是如何导致的?影响有多大?然而,事实是,从1992年开始,战后时代的旧政党制度崩溃了,1994年以来实施的新选举法催生了一个新的、仍然高度不稳定的政党制度。其主要特征是明显的两极结构,其特点是支离破碎和难以驾驭的联盟;政治阵营内外的高度政治诉讼;他们各自的领导人作为临时“联邦”的作用也越来越大。中右翼的西尔维奥•贝卢斯科尼(Silvio Berlusconi)和中左翼的罗马诺•普罗迪(Romano Prodi)已成为这样的领导人,尽管他们之间存在显著差异。这一时期(1994 -),现在被称为意大利的“第二共和国”,基本上与欧盟(EU)共同外交和安全政策(CFSP)的第一步相吻合,正如1992年初签署的《马斯特里赫特条约》所概述的那样,后来通过连续修订(1997年和2000年)得到完善。意大利自身的外交、安全和国防政策面临着多重挑战:首先,与许多其他欧洲国家不同,它必须适应更广泛的后冷战环境及其未知因素;其次,它必须在其传统的大西洋主义和欧洲倾向之间取得新的平衡,这种平衡或多或少被巧妙地分开,一边是美国和北约的联系,另一边是欧共体的联系,在此之前,两者既没有真正的冲突,也没有真正的联系;第三,它必须调整其新的和不稳定的内部结构,以适应新的国际和地区发展;第四,它还必须应对日益增长的被边缘化和被排除在各种排外的“俱乐部”之外的风险,这些“俱乐部”似乎在某些政策领域形成:专门的联系小组、欧元区、申根、联合国安理会常任理事国等。1994年贝卢斯科尼的第一届政府任期太短,未能对意大利人的态度和优先事项产生持久的影响,尽管它成功地发出了一些非常规的信息。尽管时间很短,但可以追溯到1977年的两党在欧洲政策上的传统共识似乎受到了质疑。在贝卢斯科尼之后不久,由兰贝托·迪尼(1995-1996)和罗马诺·普罗迪(1996-1998)领导的一系列政府试图重塑第一共和国的外交政策传统,可能带有更强烈的欧洲风味和关注点。当然,这也是由于欧洲货币联盟启动的中心地位及其对国内的影响:意大利在1998年春季寻求加入欧洲货币联盟的积极结果,很快就导致普罗迪政府垮台,这并非偶然。
本文章由计算机程序翻译,如有差异,请以英文原文为准。
Italy's security and defence policy: between EU and US, or just Prodi and Berlusconi?
It is, and it is bound to remain, a moot point whether the end of the cold war contributed to the end of Italy’s ‘First Republic’—and, if so, exactly how and how much. Yet it is a fact that, starting in 1992, the old party system of the post-war era crumbled and a new and still highly unstable one—born out of the new electoral law(s) enforced since 1994—took shape. Its main features have been a distinctly bipolar structure characterized by fragmented and fractious coalitions; a high degree of political litigiousness both across and inside political camps; and a growing role for their respective leaders as temporary ‘federators’. Silvio Berlusconi on the centre-right and Romano Prodi on the centre-left have emerged as such leaders, albeit with significant differences between them. This period (1994–), now labelled as Italy’s ‘Second Republic’, has basically coincided with the first steps of the Common Foreign and Security Policy (CFSP) of the European Union (EU), as outlined in the Treaty of Maastricht, signed in early 1992 and later perfected through successive revisions (in 1997 and 2000). Italy’s own foreign, security and defence policy has been confronted with multiple challenges: first, not unlike many other European countries, it had to adapt to the broader post-cold war environment and its unknowns; second, it had to strike a new balance between its traditional Atlanticist and European inclinations, more or less neatly separated between the USA and NATO link on the one hand, and the European Community link on the other, which until then had neither really clashed nor connected; third, it had to adjust its new and shaky internal set-up to the new international and regional developments; fourth, it also had to cope with the ever growing risk of being marginalized and excluded from the various exclusive ‘clubs’ that seemed to take shape on certain policy areas: dedicated Contact Groups, the euro-zone, Schengen, permanent membership of the UN Security Council and others. The first Berlusconi government in 1994 was too short-lived to make a lasting impact on Italian attitudes and priorities, although it managed to send around some unconventional messages. Albeit briefly, the traditional bipartisan consensus on European policy, that dated back to 1977, seemed to be put into question. Berlusconi-I was soon followed by a series of governments—led by Lamberto Dini (1995–1996) and then Romano Prodi (1996–1998)—that tried to rehash the foreign policy traditions of the First Republic, possibly with an even stronger European flavour and focus. This was certainly due also to the centrality of the launching of European Monetary Union and its domestic implications: it is not by accident that the positive outcome of Italy’s quest for EMU membership, in the spring of 1998, was soon followed by the collapse of the Prodi government,
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