巴基斯坦:持续的禁卫军主义

Aqil Shah
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引用次数: 0

摘要

自1947年8月巴基斯坦脱离英国殖民统治独立以来的十年里,军方一直主导着巴基斯坦的政治和国家安全。这个国家似乎陷入了一个持久的禁军陷阱:它经历了三次军事政变(1958年,1977年,1999年,以及1969年叶海亚·汗将军领导的反对总统和陆军元帅阿尤布·汗的军事政变),每次政变之后都有军事或准军事政府(1958 - 1969年,1969 - 1971年,1977 - 1988年,1999 - 2007年),这些政府在将军们退出权力后很久就留下了限制文官政府权威的遗产。学者们研究了军事干预的原因,军队在民主转型中的作用,以及民选统治下的军民关系模式,这些都是由军事自治和薄弱的文官控制所决定的。军方于1999年在佩尔韦兹·穆沙拉夫将军的领导下建立了最近的独裁统治,持续了8年。随后在2008年向文官统治过渡,导致了2013年权力首次从完成宪法任期的中间偏左的巴基斯坦人民党(PPP)政府转移到中间偏右的巴基斯坦穆斯林联盟(纳瓦兹谢里夫的PML-N)。2010年颁布的两党改革恢复了1973年宪法的联邦议会结构,并取消了军事统治下引入的一些专制扭曲(例如,总统有权任意解散民选政府)。在随后的2018年选举中,现任的PML-N政府和平地将权力交给了中间偏右的巴基斯坦正义运动党(PTI)。尽管多党选举伴随着行政人员的更替,军民关系仍然令人担忧,将军们继续保留着他们在民选政权下的巨大特权和储备领域,包括制度事务、国防拨款、经济重要部门的商业利益、外交政策、核武器、情报,甚至民政管理。2008年至2017年期间,文职政府多次试图削弱其特权(例如,人民党政府决定将该国主要情报机构三军情报局(ISI)置于文职控制之下),并挑战其有罪不罚的假设(例如,PML-N政府决定以“叛国罪”起诉穆沙拉夫)。军方的回应是公开反对文职政策,抵制或拒绝指令,并动员其文职代理人破坏民选统治的稳定。2018年,将军们操纵民意调查,让亲军方的正义运动党掌权。自那以后,缅甸脆弱的民主制度演变成了一个混合政权,正式的民主政治制度掩盖了未宣布的军事统治。
本文章由计算机程序翻译,如有差异,请以英文原文为准。
Pakistan: Persistent Praetorianism
The military has dominated politics and national security in Pakistan since the decade following independence from British colonial rule in August 1947. The country appears to be caught in a persistent praetorian trap: It has experienced three military coups (1958, 1977, 1999, and an intra-military coup led by General Yahya Khan against President and Field Marshall Ayub Khan in 1969), and each of them was followed by military or quasi-military governments (1958–1969, 1969–1971, 1977–1988, 1999–2007) that have left behind legacies curtailing the authority of civilian governments long after the generals exited power. Scholars have examined the causes of military intervention, the role of the military in democratic transitions, and the patterns of civil–military relations under elected rule, which are perennially defined by military autonomy and weak civilian control. The military established its most recent dictatorship under General Pervez Musharraf in 1999, which lasted for 8 years. The subsequent transition to civilian rule in 2008 resulted in the first ever transfer of power from the government of the left-of-center Pakistan People’s Party (PPP), which had completed its constitutional tenure, to the right-of-center Pakistan Muslim League (PML-N of Nawaz Sharif) in 2013. Bipartisan reforms enacted in 2010 restored the 1973 constitution’s federal parliamentary structure and removed several authoritarian distortions (e.g., the power of the president to arbitrarily sack elected governments) introduced under military rule. In the subsequent 2018 vote, the incumbent PML-N government peacefully yielded power to the right-of-center Pakistan Tehrik-e-Insaf (PTI). Despite multiparty elections followed by executive turnovers, civil–military relations remain fraught and the generals continue to retain their vast prerogatives and reserve domains under elected regimes, including institutional affairs, defense allocations, commercial interests in vital sectors of the economy, foreign policy, nuclear weapons, intelligence, and even civilian administration. Between 2008 and 2017, civilian government made repeated attempts to erode its privileges (e.g., the PPP government’s decision to place the country’s main intelligence agency, the Inter-Service Intelligence (ISI), under civilian control) and challenge its presumptions of impunity (e.g., the decision of the PML-N government to prosecute Musharraf for “high treason”). The military responded by publicly contesting civilian policies, resisting or rejecting directives, and mobilizing its civilian proxies to destabilize elected rule. In 2018, the generals manipulated the polls to install the pro-military PTI in power. The country’s weak democracy has since mutated into a hybrid regime where formal democratic political institutions mask undeclared martial rule.
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