后记

W. Bird
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引用次数: 0

摘要

18世纪60年代中期以后,对新闻自由和言论自由的广泛理解在英国和美国盛行并占据主导地位,这一事实解释了许多难题,而那些声称在18世纪后期,对新闻自由和言论自由的狭隘定义被普遍或普遍接受的人却没有解决这些难题。这些难题包括:为什么这些自由在近一个世纪前就被定义为仅仅是对许可的保护,为什么有源源不断的文章支持广义的定义而反对狭义的定义,为什么美国殖民者和受到起诉威胁的英国激进辉格党会主张狭义的自由而不是广义的自由,为什么在限制性法律和言论和新闻的宽容实践之间存在如此巨大的鸿沟,为什么11个新州中有9个通过了新的基本法,认为有必要保护新闻自由?为什么这些权利宣言中的每一个都给予了最广泛的保护,没有明确的例外,而不是使用黑石的语言?为什么联邦权利法案同样使用了最广泛的语言,拒绝了普通法的限制?
本文章由计算机程序翻译,如有差异,请以英文原文为准。
Epilogue
A number of conundrums are explained by the fact that an expansive understanding of freedom of press and freedom of speech prevailed and became dominant in Britain and America after the mid-1760s, and are unsolved by those who claim that the narrow Blackstone-Mansfield definition of freedoms of press and speech was universally or generally accepted during the late eighteenth century. Those conundrums include why those freedoms would be defined as mere protection from licensing that ended nearly a century before, why there was a steady stream of essays championing a broad definition and opposing a narrow definition, why American colonists and English radical Whigs threatened with prosecution would advocate narrow instead of broad freedoms, why there was such a wide chasm between restrictive law and permissive practices of speech and press, why nine of the eleven new states that adopted new fundamental law found it necessary to protect freedom of press, why every one of those declarations of rights gave the broadest protection without express exceptions rather than using Blackstone’s language, why the federal Bill of Rights similarly used the broadest language and rejected common law limitations, as well as why Fox’s Libel Act was able to attract majority support in Parliament.
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