俄罗斯升降曲调中峰值对齐的社会变异性

Tatiana V. Kachkovskaia, Svetlana Zimina, Alena Portnova, D. Kocharov
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引用次数: 0

摘要

在俄语中,升降调(H*L)在是非问句和非话语结束语从句中非常典型。在俄语语调的标准描述中,这首曲子的旋律最大值位于重读元音的后期。然而,对现代俄语语调的研究,特别是在较年轻的年龄组中,报告了“移位”的旋律峰值的情况-显着向右移动,因此F0最大值出现在后重读音节上。本文结合对话者之间的性别、年龄和社会距离等因素,分析了俄语对话话语中这种错位高峰的出现频率。本研究基于兄弟姐妹语料库:90个对话者之间不同关系的对话。
本文章由计算机程序翻译,如有差异,请以英文原文为准。
Social variability of peak alignment in Russian rise-fall tunes
In Russian, rise-fall tunes (H*L) are very typical in yes-no questions and non-utterance-final clauses. In standard descriptions of Russian intonation, the melodic maximum in this tune is located late in the stressed vowel. However, studies of modern Russian intonation, especially within the younger age group, report on cases of ”displaced” melodic peaks—shifted signifi-cantly to the right, so that the F0 maximum occurs on the post-stressed syllable. In this paper we analyse the frequency of such misplaced peaks in Russian dialogue speech, with respect to the factors of gender, age and social distance between the interlocutors. The research is based on the SibLing speech corpus: 90 dialogues with varying relationship between the interlocutors.
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