编辑器的介绍

Jane C. Blake
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引用次数: 0

摘要

再次提醒大家,21世纪冲突的复杂性。在每一期报告中,我们都观察到先前强调的趋势得到巩固,包括许多冲突的实质性国际化,这些冲突越来越多地涉及利用战场进行竞争的地区和国际行动者。这样做,风险往往会更高,事件的战略影响可能会产生更深远的影响。对于所涵盖的33个冲突中的每一个,本书都概述了2019年的关键发展;导致当前局势的事件;有关冲突各方的数据;冲突的驱动因素;政治和军事发展;并分析了冲突的意义。具体地说,我们深入研究重大政治和军事发展对人权和人道主义局势的后果,冲突的社会和经济影响,以及它如何影响与邻国和国际伙伴的关系。我们对2019年底的冲突状况进行了评估,但没有做出预测,并确定了与2020年最相关的趋势和轨迹,包括冲突解决的前景、冲突加剧或外溢的风险以及重建的情景。每一章都以冲突在当地和国际上的战略影响结束。补充分析的是特定冲突的地图和图形,以说明暴力热点、武装团体网络、过渡政府结构和人口流离失所数据等模式和结构。对六个有冲突的地理区域进行简要介绍,概述了主要趋势、战略影响和前景。我们努力强调地缘政治和地缘战略关系以及它们如何与冲突相交。例如,土耳其介入叙利亚对其与北约(NATO)的关系意味着什么;俾路支叛乱分子袭击中国利益对巴中关系的影响;或者西方减少与缅甸政府的接触可能为中国扩大其在缅甸的政治影响力创造空间。世界各地符合武装冲突定义的局势数量从2015年《武装冲突调查》首次发布时的40个减少到2019年的33个。这似乎是一个显著的进步,但是,尽管科索沃和尼日尔三角洲等一些冲突已经消除,目前的一系列冲突也反映了多重转变。自2015年以来,我们记录了由于冲突驱动因素和武装团体之间关系的变化,各种冲突如何不得不合并——就像上一版中印度东北部冲突的情况一样——而其他冲突则被分裂,如中美洲的北三角。除了这些变化之外,一些冲突已经结束,因此从调查中删除,新的冲突已经开始,例如2017年在喀麦隆。观察一些冲突的演变和许多其他冲突的轨迹,使非国家武装团体的中心地位成为清晰的焦点。我们从三个方面强调了这一点。首先,章节包括冲突各方的扩展概况,其中很大一部分是非国家行为体。第二,所有四篇专题论文都集中于武装团体活动和性质的各个方面以及限制其有害影响所需的对策。最后,本书附带的《2020年武装冲突图表》比较了每个冲突战区的国家和非国家当事方的数量。值得注意的是,在33次冲突中有21次,非国家武装团体的数量超过了国家团体的数量
本文章由计算机程序翻译,如有差异,请以英文原文为准。
Editor’s Introduction
once again, as a reminder of the complexity of conflict in the twenty-first century. With each edition, we observe the consolidation of trends highlighted earlier, including the substantial internationalisation of many conflicts, which increasingly often involve regional and international actors that use the battleground to pursue their rivalries. In so doing, stakes often grow higher and the strategic repercussions of events can reverberate much further afield. For each of the 33 conflicts covered, the book provides an overview of the key developments in 2019; the events that led to the current situation; data on the conflict parties involved; the drivers of the conflict; political and military developments; and analysis of the significance of the conflict. Specifically, we delve into the consequences of the major political and military developments for human rights and the humanitarian situation, the social and economic impact of the conflict, and how it has affected relations with neighbouring and international partners. We assess the state of the conflict at the end of 2019, albeit without making predictions, and identify the trends and trajectories that will be most relevant for 2020, including prospects for conflict resolution, risks of conflict intensification or spillover, and scenarios for reconstruction. Each conflict chapter concludes with the strategic implications of the conflict locally and internationally. Complementing the analysis are conflict-specific maps and graphics to illustrate patterns and structures such as violent hotspots, armed-group networks, transitional-government structures and human-displacement data. Snapshots for each of the six geographical regions into which conflicts are organised outline key trends, strategic implications and prospects. We endeavour to underline geopolitical and geostrategic relations and how they intersect with conflict. Examples include what Turkey’s involvement in Syria means for its relationship with NATO; the impact of attacks by Baloch insurgents against Chinese interests on Islamabad–Beijing relations; or how diminishing Western engagement with the Burmese government might create room for China to expand its political influence in Myanmar. The number of situations around the world meeting our definition of armed conflict decreased from 40 in 2015, when the Armed Conflict Survey was first published, to 33 in 2019. This might seem like a marked improvement, but notwithstanding the removal of some conflicts such as Kosovo and the Niger Delta, the current line-up of conflicts also reflects multiple transformations. Since 2015, we have recorded how, owing to changes in the drivers of conflicts and the relationships among armed groups, various conflicts had to be merged – as was the case for India’s northeastern conflicts in the previous edition – while others were split, such as Central America’s Northern Triangle. In addition to these changes, some conflicts have ended, and therefore were removed from the survey, and new ones have begun, such as in Cameroon in 2017. Observing the morphing of some of the conflicts and the trajectory of many others brings the centrality of non-state armed groups into clear focus. We have highlighted this in three ways. Firstly, chapters include expanded profiles of conflict parties, a large proportion of which are non-state actors. Secondly, all four thematic essays are centred on aspects of the activities and nature of armed groups and the responses required to limit their pernicious effects. Finally, the 2020 Chart of Armed Conflict that accompanies the book compares the number of state and non-state parties in each conflict theatre. Notably, in 21 of 33 conflicts the number of non-state armed groups exceeds the number of state groups.1
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