没有你就没有祖国:
朝鲜食品和农业宣传中的女性牧歌

Miki Kawasaki
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引用次数: 0

摘要

从历史上看,朝鲜统治政权对妇女平等的官方立场与社会主义进步主义一致,同时也融入了儒家思想和金正日自己的“主体”民族主义的保守元素。这篇文章着眼于朝鲜政府在其关于性别的声明和过去二十年粮食短缺的情况下发布的粮食和农业相关宣传的例子。我认为,该政权对符号的操纵揭示了深刻的父权态度,除了促进对内部冲突和混乱的否认之外,还使对妇女和土地的统治合法化。作为纪录片和新闻报道的主题,朝鲜民主主义人民共和国(DPRK)经常被描绘成一个不合理的国家,能源浪费的奇观,而其大多数公民过着隐性困难的生活。朝鲜政权传播的平壤高耸的纪念碑或精心设计的群众游戏的图像,在西方被含蓄地理解为它们只是掩盖几十年来不计后果的极权主义统治和极端的文化、政治和经济孤立给这个国家造成的后果。尽管这些陈述在我们看来很有趣,因为它们无法理解自己的讽刺,但我们也有必要记住,宣传不仅仅是一种防御机制或转移审查的手段。它还为抽象的政治意识形态提供了清晰的形式,并为目标公民设定了乌托邦式的要求。朝鲜的宣传可能无法反映大多数朝鲜人的生活状况,但它确实创造了一个空间,让人们在日常生活现实之外构想这个国家,为饥饿和贫困等未被承认的问题提供了意识形态上的理由。有人认为,由金日成创立并由他的世袭继承人金正日和金正恩继续统治的朝鲜政权,之所以能够保住领导权,正是因为它成功地实施了对本国公民和国家在海外的代表的控制机制:“限制性的社会政策;对思想和信息的操纵;使用武力;选举;操纵外国政府;以及制度上的防政变”(Byman and Lind 45)。这些策略帮助金氏家族维持了统治,尽管人道主义危机困扰着这个国家,并引发了崩溃或叛乱的威胁。朝鲜持续的粮食短缺和长期营养不良问题对国家安全构成了内部挑战,20世纪90年代中期毁灭性的饥荒代表了这种动荡的顶峰。朝鲜政府对粮食问题的回应和讨论通常是用委婉的说法来淡化其严重性,称饥荒为“艰难的行军”。它没有直接解决这个问题,而是把重点放在了提高生产力和自给自足的官方运动上。朝鲜政权通过坚持通过努力工作实现富裕,坚持民族自豪感、自力更生和主体思想(金日成关于个人责任在促进朝鲜利益中的核心作用的基本理论)所包含的民族自决理想,消除了任何可能出现的动荡。2
本文章由计算机程序翻译,如有差异,请以英文原文为准。
No Motherland Without You:
 The Feminine Pastoral in North Korean Food & Agricultural Propaganda
| The North Korean ruling regime has historically taken an official stance on women’s equality that falls in line with socialist progressivism while also incorporating more conservative elements from Confucian thought and the Kims’ own brand of ‘juche’ nationalism. This essay looks at examples of food and agriculture related propaganda issued by the North Korean government within the context of its statements on gender and the circumstances arising from the food shortages of the past two decades. I argue that the regime’s manipulation of signs reveals deeply patriarchal attitudes that have legitimized the domination of women and land in addition to facilitating a denial of internal conflict and disorder. A s a subject of documentary and journalistic coverage, the Democratic People’s Republic of Korea (DPRK) is often portrayed as a country beyond rationalization, of energies squanderedon spectacle while the majority of its citizens lead lives of hidden hardship. Images disseminated by the North Korean regime of Pyongyang’s towering monuments or highly choreographed mass games are interpreted in the West with the implicit understanding that they are merely a cover for the consequences that decades of reckless totalitarian governance and extreme cultural, political, and economic isolation have wrought on the country. As amusing as these representations may seem to us for their inability to comprehend their own irony, it is also necessary to remember that propaganda is not merely a defense mechanism or a means of deflecting scrutiny. It also gives legible form to abstract political ideology and sets utopian imperatives for a targeted citizenry. Propaganda in the DPRK may not reflect the living conditions of most North Koreans, but it does create a space in which to conceive of the nation beyond the actualities of everyday life, giving ideological justification to unacknowledged problems such as hunger and impoverishment. 1 It has been argued that the North Korean regime, founded by Kim Il-sung and continued by his hereditary successors Kim Jong-il and Kim Jong-un, has managed to hold on to its leadership precisely because of its success in implementing mechanisms of control over both its own citizens and in the nation’s representation abroad: “restrictive social policies; manipulation of ideas and information; use of force; co-optation; manipulation of foreign governments; and institutional coup-proofing” (Byman and Lind 45). These strategies have helped to sustain the Kims’ continued rule despite the humanitarian crises that have afflicted the nation and raised the threat of collapse or revolt. The DPRK’s ongoing food shortages and problems of chronic malnutrition have presented an internal challenge to national security, with the devastating famine of the mid-1990s representing the apex of this turmoil. The North Korean government has generally responded to and discussed the food problem by downplaying its severity through euphemism, referring to the famine as konan-ui haenggun (“arduous march”). Rather than addressing the situation directly, it has focused instead on official campaigns promoting productivity and self-sufficiency. The regime has displaced any possible unrest by insisting on the attainability of affluence through hard work, holding up the ideals of national pride, self-reliance, and self-determination encompassed by juche, Kim Il-sung’s foundational thesis on the central role of individual responsibility in promoting of Korean interests. 2
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