山姆·兰西与大卫·怀特豪斯合著的《我们没有放火:我在柬埔寨争取民主》,泰国清迈:Silkworm Books出版社,210页,25美元平装ISBN: 978-6162150630出版日期:2013年6月

P. Chambers
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引用次数: 0

摘要

虽然Keyes承认泰国的民主有一个“曲折的历史”,但他指出,它允许从Isan选出的政治家代表选民(60)。由于怀疑他们大多有共产主义倾向,国家镇压了其中的许多人。凯斯认为,这种压制被东北部人视为泰国中部歧视的症状。在第五章中,凯斯考察了1957年至1973年期间,在此期间,军方在君主制的支持下管理泰国。对凯斯来说,伊桑人承认泰国国王是他们的领袖,但觉得当时的军事政权阻止了他们解决自己的不满。因此,一些人支持共产主义革命。然而,正如凯斯在第六章中所述,到1983年,叛乱活动已经减弱,部分原因是新的国家法令允许对投降的叛乱分子进行大赦和援助,并允许建立非政府组织。在第七章中,凯斯阐述了东北人如何经历了更多的向上流动和与世界的相互联系,越来越多地参与到保护环境、社区权利和其他地区利益的组织中。最后,在第八章中,凯斯认为,自2001年以来,东北人终于通过支持他信西那瓦的民粹主义政党和参与红衫军抗议运动,发出了自己的声音。至于优势,这本书基于凯斯的广泛研究,提供了一个详细的伊桑历史,阐明了泰国东北部人日益增长的政治作用。虽然这本书主要是为与亚洲打交道的学者和政策制定者准备的,但凯斯直截了当的写作方式让普通读者也能读懂。然而,这本书也有缺点。首先,凯斯有时倾向于从他多年来在农团村所做的工作中对伊山进行过度概括。其次,Isan的身份和历史比凯斯承认的要多样化得多。第三,为了强调东北人越来越多的政治参与,凯斯过分强调了红衫军来自伊山的支持,而淡化了其来自北部和中部地区支持的重要性。第四,凯斯从未承认一些东北人是反他信的,其中包括非政府组织“人民运动”(PMove)的农民和政治家Newin Chidchob。最后,尽管这本书是在2014年反西那瓦政变之前写的,但人们不禁要问,为什么凯斯笔下的“世界主义农民”对这本书只有轻微的抵制。然而,最终,作为一本揭示泰国重要的社会政治变革的书,这本书是除了泰国作家用泰语写的关于Isan的著作之外,最好的研究之一。
本文章由计算机程序翻译,如有差异,请以英文原文为准。
Sam Rainsy with David Whitehouse We Didn't Start the Fire: My Struggle for Democracy in Cambodia Chiang Mai, Thailand: Silkworm Books 210 pp., $25.00 paperback ISBN: 978-6162150630 Publication Date: June 2013
though Keyes admits that Thai democracy has a “checkered history,” he points out that it allowed elected politicians from Isan to represent constituents (60). Suspicious that they were mostly Communist-leaning, the state repressed many of them. According to Keyes, such repression was perceived by northeasterners as symptomatic of central Thai discrimination. In Chapter 5, Keyes examines the period 1957–1973, during which the military administered Thailand with support from monarchy. For Keyes, Isan people recognized the Thai king as their leader but felt that the then-military regime prevented them from redressing their grievances. Some thus supported Communist revolution. However, as Keyes shows in Chapter 6, insurgency had faltered by 1983 partly due to new state decrees allowing amnesty and assistance for surrendering rebels and permitting the establishment of non-governmental organizations. In Chapter 7, Keyes illustrates how northeasterners, having experienced more upward mobility and interconnectedness with the world, have become increasingly involved in organizations to safeguard the environment, community rights and other regionally based interests. Lastly, in Chapter 8, Keyes argues that northeasterners have, since 2001, finally come to make their voices heard through supporting populist political parties of Thaksin Shinawatra and participating in the Red Shirts protest movement. As for strengths, this book, based upon Keyes’s extensive research, offers an elaborately detailed history of Isan, which elucidates the growing political role of Thai northeasterners. Though the book is meant primarily for academics and policymakers engaged with Asia, Keyes’s straightforward writing makes it accessible to the general audience. Yet the book does have weaknesses. First, Keyes sometimes tends to overgeneralize about Isan from work he has done over the years in Nong Tuan village. Second, there is much more diversity within Isan’s identity and history than Keyes acknowledges. Third, to emphasize northeasterners’ growing political participation, Keyes overemphasizes Red Shirts’ support from Isan, lessening the importance of its backing from northern and central regions. Fourth, Keyes never acknowledges that some northeasterners, including farmers comprising NGO “PMove” and politician Newin Chidchob, are anti-Thaksin. Finally, though this book was written before the 2014 antiShinawatra coup, one wonders why Keyes’ “cosmopolitan peasants” only slightly resisted it. Ultimately, however, as a book revealing crucial sociopolitical transformations in Thailand, this book is one of the better studies available—aside from works on Isan written in Thai by Thai authors.
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