民粹主义的“人民”概念和多党民主

J. Pretorius
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摘要

尽管对民粹主义的概念解读不尽相同,但人们高度一致认为,民粹主义的意识形态独特性在于其构建核心概念“人民”的独特方式。本文评估了民粹主义对人民的理解对宪法支持多党代议制民主的影响。无论其表现形式如何,民粹主义围绕着一种独特的意识形态化的人民主权,结合另一种占主导地位的意识形态来构建人民,根据背景,这种意识形态可以从左右光谱的任何主要意识形态中提取出来。这种结合总是产生一个相反的“他者”,一个“反人民”,作为民粹主义人民凝聚力和认同的必要组成部分。与民粹主义相关的同质化和排他性的民族建构对多党代议制政府有着深远的影响。它挑战了多党代表制的多元化概念,主张代表制是同质的民意的体现。作为化身的代表制助长了极端多数主义的态度,正如民粹主义者执政的历史所显示的那样,也助长了威权主义的倾向。民粹主义的人民概念最终与多党代议制民主的核心特征相冲突,如包容性民主公民身份、多元化代表制、反对政治权利、承认反对党是现任政府的常设替代品,以及作为包容性民主实践的和解与妥协。
本文章由计算机程序翻译,如有差异,请以英文原文为准。
Populist conceptions of the “people” and multi-party democracy
Although conceptual approaches to populism differ, there is a high degree of consensus that the ideological distinctiveness of populism lies in the unique way it constructs its core concept, the “people”. This article assesses the implications of populist understandings of the people for the constitutional endorsement of multi-party representative democracy. Regardless of its many manifestations, populism structures peoplehood around a distinct brand of ideologised popular sovereignty, in combination with another dominant host ideology, which, depending on the context, can be drawn from any of the main ideologies on the left‒right spectrum. This combination invariably produces an opposite “other”, an “anti-people”, as a necessary co-constituent of the populist people’s cohesion and identity. The homogenising and exclusionary construct of peoplehood associated with populism holds profound implications for multi-party representative government. It challenges the pluralist notion of multi-party representation by advocating for representation as the embodiment of a homogenous popular will instead. Representation as embodiment fosters extreme majoritarian attitudes and, as histories of populists-in-government have shown, tendencies towards authoritarianism. Populist conceptions of the people ultimately dispute core features of multi-party representative democracy, such as inclusive democratic citizenship, pluralist representation, oppositional political rights, the recognition of opposition parties as standing alternatives to incumbent governments, and accommodation and compromise as inclusionary democratic practice.
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