《分散的家庭:养育子女、非洲移民和全球不平等》,作者:卡蒂·科

Amélie Grysole
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The work thus achieves its goal of offering a fresh, richly documented perspective on the subject.As in many African countries, IMF budget cuts in the 1970s and 1980s considerably reduced job opportunities for the middle class in Ghana, whose members had been the primary beneficiaries of state civil service jobs. Coe explains how transnational migrants cope with the contradictions generated by various state policies (immigration, family, education and others) and the forces of global capitalism; specifically, how they adapt and \"reshuffle\" their parenting, kinship and gender \"repertoires.\" A \"repertoire\" as she explains it (pp. 14-29) is a concept close to the notion of habitus, covering a combination of beliefs, practices and resources that people acquire throughout their lives and use to interpret, evaluate, and adapt to situations (p. 5). It is widely understood that the families who leave Ghana are not those with the least economic, educational or social capital. Indeed, the Ghanaian urban middle class emigrated to maintain their relatively high standard of living (p. 90). This book details the history of family repertoires as they concern parent-child separation, a situation that, whatever other effects it may have, still conflicts with the Ghanaian middle-class ideal of \"living together\" as a family.Coe, whose research included study of legal files on family conflicts and interviews with grandparents caring for their emigrant children's children in Ghana, retraces a long history of intergenerational relationships (Chapter 1). She then explains how internal migration, women's entry into the workforce, and the fact that in Ghanaian tradition several adults may take care of children, including ones who are not their own, may make parent-child separation seem an ordinary not to say normal event. The historical perspective allows for closely analysing what is new and what traditional in the ways these families organize their lives in response to international migration. Coe argues that \"exchanges between young people and their kin that centered on debt changed, over time, to become reciprocities of care as they are understood in transnational families today\" (pp. 40-41). Repertoires that are being challenged today by international migration have in fact been adapted or \"reformulated\" several times \"in response to changing economic conditions at a particular historical moment\" (for example, during the early twentieth-century boom in cocoa production for exportation). Parent-child separation is therefore not a new situation engendered by international migration or a practice that necessarily causes pain and suffering; rather it figures in the possibilities encompassed by Ghanaian family repertoires. Regarding what is called child \"fostering,\" Coe explains: \"Because the sharing of care for children is so normal in Akuapem, there is no equivalent Twi word for the practice\" (p. 63).Nonetheless, the reasons for separation have changed, and decreased in number over time. 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引用次数: 0

摘要

卡蒂·科,《分散的家庭:养育、非洲移民和全球不平等》,2013年,芝加哥,芝加哥大学出版社,VII + 244页。在这本书中,美国人类学家卡蒂·科对国际移民后组织远距离养育提出了独到的观点。在有关跨国家庭和亲子分离的文献中,这个主题并不新鲜,但科提出了与大多数分析相反的论点。作者对在美国的加纳移民及其在加纳的家庭进行了多地点的民族志研究,将这些情况与加纳境内移民所造成的情况进行了比较,并对19世纪中期至21世纪初的长期历史进行了概述,阐述了当代代际关系的作用。因此,这项工作实现了它的目标,提供了一个新鲜的,丰富的记录视角的主题。同许多非洲国家一样,1970年代和1980年代货币基金组织的预算削减大大减少了加纳中产阶级的就业机会,他们的成员是国家公务员工作的主要受益者。科解释了跨国移民如何应对各种国家政策(移民、家庭、教育等)和全球资本主义力量所产生的矛盾;具体来说,他们是如何适应和“重新洗牌”自己的养育方式、亲属关系和性别“曲目”的。正如她所解释的那样,“保留”(第14-29页)是一个接近习惯概念的概念,涵盖了人们一生中获得的信仰、实践和资源的组合,并用于解释、评估和适应情况(第5页)。人们普遍认为,离开加纳的家庭并不是那些经济、教育或社会资本最少的家庭。事实上,加纳城市中产阶级移民是为了维持他们相对较高的生活水平(第90页)。这本书详细介绍了家庭的历史,因为它们涉及到亲子分离,这种情况,无论它可能有什么其他影响,仍然与加纳中产阶级“住在一起”的家庭理想相冲突。科伊的研究包括对家庭冲突的法律文件的研究,以及对在加纳照顾移民子女子女的祖父母的采访,她追溯了代际关系的悠久历史(第1章)。然后,她解释了国内移民、妇女进入劳动力市场以及在加纳传统中,几个成年人可能照顾孩子的事实,包括那些不是他们自己的孩子。可能会使亲子分离看起来是一件普通的事情,而不是正常的事件。从历史的角度来看,可以仔细分析这些家庭为应对国际移民而组织生活的方式中哪些是新的,哪些是传统的。Coe认为,“年轻人和他们的亲属之间以债务为中心的交流,随着时间的推移,变成了今天跨国家庭所理解的相互关怀”(第40-41页)。如今受到国际移民挑战的传统技艺,实际上已经“在特定的历史时刻”(例如,在20世纪初可可豆出口繁荣时期)多次“适应”或“重新制定”。因此,亲子分离不是国际移徙所造成的新情况,也不是必然造成痛苦和苦难的做法;相反,它体现在加纳家庭曲目所包含的可能性中。关于所谓的儿童“养育”,科解释说:“因为在阿库阿佩姆,分担对儿童的照顾是很正常的,所以没有对应的Twi词来形容这种做法”(第63页)。尽管如此,分离的原因已经改变,并且随着时间的推移数量减少了。城市中产阶级的意识形态认为,好父母自己抚养孩子,这使得主要在危机时刻或贫困情况下进行的寄养行为受到了污名化。…
本文章由计算机程序翻译,如有差异,请以英文原文为准。
The Scattered Family: Parenting, African Migrants, and Global Inequality by Cati Coe (review)
Cati COE, The Scattered Family: Parenting, African Migrants, and Global Inequality, 2013, Chicago, University of Chicago Press, VII + 244 p.In this book the American anthropologist Cati Coe offers an original perspective on organizing long-distance parenting after international migration. The subject is not new in the literature on transnational families and the parent-child separation involved, but Coe develops arguments that run counter to most analyses. Drawing on a multi-site ethnographic study of Ghanaian immigrants in the United States and their families in Ghana, a comparison of these situations with those engendered by migrations within Ghana, and a long-term historical overview from the mid-nineteenth to the early twenty-first century, the author lays out the workings of contemporary intergenerational relationships. The work thus achieves its goal of offering a fresh, richly documented perspective on the subject.As in many African countries, IMF budget cuts in the 1970s and 1980s considerably reduced job opportunities for the middle class in Ghana, whose members had been the primary beneficiaries of state civil service jobs. Coe explains how transnational migrants cope with the contradictions generated by various state policies (immigration, family, education and others) and the forces of global capitalism; specifically, how they adapt and "reshuffle" their parenting, kinship and gender "repertoires." A "repertoire" as she explains it (pp. 14-29) is a concept close to the notion of habitus, covering a combination of beliefs, practices and resources that people acquire throughout their lives and use to interpret, evaluate, and adapt to situations (p. 5). It is widely understood that the families who leave Ghana are not those with the least economic, educational or social capital. Indeed, the Ghanaian urban middle class emigrated to maintain their relatively high standard of living (p. 90). This book details the history of family repertoires as they concern parent-child separation, a situation that, whatever other effects it may have, still conflicts with the Ghanaian middle-class ideal of "living together" as a family.Coe, whose research included study of legal files on family conflicts and interviews with grandparents caring for their emigrant children's children in Ghana, retraces a long history of intergenerational relationships (Chapter 1). She then explains how internal migration, women's entry into the workforce, and the fact that in Ghanaian tradition several adults may take care of children, including ones who are not their own, may make parent-child separation seem an ordinary not to say normal event. The historical perspective allows for closely analysing what is new and what traditional in the ways these families organize their lives in response to international migration. Coe argues that "exchanges between young people and their kin that centered on debt changed, over time, to become reciprocities of care as they are understood in transnational families today" (pp. 40-41). Repertoires that are being challenged today by international migration have in fact been adapted or "reformulated" several times "in response to changing economic conditions at a particular historical moment" (for example, during the early twentieth-century boom in cocoa production for exportation). Parent-child separation is therefore not a new situation engendered by international migration or a practice that necessarily causes pain and suffering; rather it figures in the possibilities encompassed by Ghanaian family repertoires. Regarding what is called child "fostering," Coe explains: "Because the sharing of care for children is so normal in Akuapem, there is no equivalent Twi word for the practice" (p. 63).Nonetheless, the reasons for separation have changed, and decreased in number over time. The urban middle class ideology holding that good parents raise their children themselves worked to stigmatize fostering, which was practiced primarily at crisis moments or in situations of poverty. …
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