应对COVID-19的紧急措施是对民主的威胁吗?

Marijana Opashinova Shundovska
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摘要

COVID-19病毒在世界范围内前所未有的爆发和传播及其对人类健康、经济和日常生活的严重后果迫使各国议会要么改变其标准工作模式,要么通过宣布紧急状态将其宪法权限移交给行政部门。这种非正统情况的有害影响,特别是对民主制度的运作、政府部门的分裂、经济动乱和失业的影响,还有待确定和分析。马其顿议会没有预料到病毒会达到大流行的程度,因此解散了议会,以便提前举行议会选举,这应该由一个技术政府进行,这是2015年普齐诺协议(Przino Agreement)中的承诺。该州面临着一个独特的情况,即议会解散和一个能力有限的技术政府,以度过大流行。宪法对议会在紧急情况下的工作和议员的任期含糊其辞,允许对其作出不同的解释,这使得局势比以前更加复杂。因此,政府不得不提议宣布紧急状态,这是独立以来的第一次,以便能够通过具有法律约束力的条例来处理危机。国家总统于2020年3月18日宣布紧急状态,随后又两次延长紧急状态,一次延长30天,另一次延长8天,以遵守重新安排的议会选举的选举截止日期。一些专家强烈认为,在这个充满挑战和去议会化的时代,政府可能会通过与紧急状态毫无关系的规定,从而滥用其职权。本文将反思国家独特的政治和立法程序及其对议会民主的影响。
本文章由计算机程序翻译,如有差异,请以英文原文为准。
Are emergency measures in response to COVID-19 a threat to democracy?
The unprecedented outbreak and spread of the COVID-19 virus in the world and its grave consequences on human health, the economy and the everyday life forced national parliaments either to change its standard work mode or transfer their constitutional competences to the executive by declaring state of emergency. The detrimental effects of this unorthodox situation, especially on functioning of democracies, government branches’ division, economic disturbances and losses of jobs are yet to be determined and analyzed. Not expecting that the virus will reach pandemic proportions, the Macedonian parliament was dissolved for early parliamentary elections that ought to be carried out by a technical government, a commitment taken from the Przino Agreement in 2015. The state had faced a unique situation to get through the pandemic with a dissolved parliament and a technical government with limited competences. The constitutional vagueness regarding the work of the parliament in emergency situations and the duration of mandate of the parliamentarians allowing for different interpretation thereof, made the situation even more complicated than before. Consequently, the Government had to propose a proclamation of state of emergency for the first time since the independence, in order to be able to adopt legally binding regulations to manage the crisis. The State President proclaimed state of emergency on 18 March 2020 that had to be extended two more times, once for an additional 30 days and another for 8 days, in order to observe the electoral deadlines for the re-scheduled parliamentary elections. Some experts have strongly argued that the government with its hands untied in these challenging and de-parliamentarized times might abuse its competences by adopting regulations that have nothing to do with the state of emergency. This paper will reflect on the unique political and legislative processes in the state and its effects on the parliamentary democracy.
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